（单词翻译:单击）
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you very much. Thank you. Please, have a seat. Thank you very much. I want to begin by thanking Hillary Clinton, who has traveled so much these last six months that she is approaching a new landmark -- one million frequent flyer miles. (Laughter.) I count on Hillary every single day, and I believe that she will go down as one of the finest Secretaries of State in our nation’s history.
谢谢你们，谢谢（掌声）。非常感谢。谢谢。请坐。多谢。首先，我要感谢希拉里∙克林顿（Hillary Clinton），过去六个月来，她四处奔波，已经接近一个新的里程碑——积累100万英里的常飞客里程（frequent flier Miles）。（笑声）我每天都依靠希拉里，我相信她将作为我国历史上最优秀的国务卿之一被载入史册。
The State Department is a fitting venue to mark a new chapter in American diplomacy. For six months, we have witnessed an extraordinary change taking place in the Middle East and North Africa. Square by square, town by town, country by country, the people have risen up to demand their basic human rights. Two leaders have stepped aside. More may follow. And though these countries may be a great distance from our shores, we know that our own future is bound to this region by the forces of economics and security, by history and by faith.
在国务院庆祝美国外交史上一个新篇章的开始特别合适。六个月来，我们目睹中东和北非发生非同寻常的变化。在一个又一个广场、一个又一个城镇、一个又一个国家，人民奋起争取自己的基本人权。两位领导人靠边站了，还可能有更多的领导人靠边站。虽然这些国家远离我国国土，但我们知道，经济与安全的力量以及历史和信仰把我们的未来与这一地区紧密联系在一起。
Today, I want to talk about this change -- the forces that are driving it and how we can respond in a way that advances our values and strengthens our security.
今天，我想谈谈这一变化——推动变化的力量和我们如何作出反应以弘扬我们的价值观并增强我们的安全。
Now, already, we’ve done much to shift our foreign policy following a decade defined by two costly conflicts. After years of war in Iraq, we’ve removed 100,000 American troops and ended our combat mission there. In Afghanistan, we’ve broken the Taliban’s momentum, and this July we will begin to bring our troops home and continue a transition to Afghan lead. And after years of war against al Qaeda and its affiliates, we have dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader, Osama bin Laden.
在经历了以两场代价巨大的冲突为特征的10年后，我们已经为改变我们的外交政策做了大量工作。在多年的伊拉克战争后，我们撤出了10万美国军队，结束了我们在那里的作战任务。在阿富汗，我们遏止了塔利班的扩展势头，今年7月，我们将开始撤军，继续朝着由阿富汗发挥主导作用的方向过渡。在与“基地”组织及其同伙交锋的多年战争后，我们击毙了它的头目乌萨马∙本∙拉丹（Osama bin Laden），给予“基地”组织巨大的打击。
Bin Laden was no martyr. He was a mass murderer who offered a message of hate –- an insistence that Muslims had to take up arms against the West, and that violence against men, women and children was the only path to change. He rejected democracy and individual rights for Muslims in favor of violent extremism; his agenda focused on what he could destroy -– not what he could build.
本∙拉丹并非殉道者。他是一个宣扬仇恨的杀人狂，鼓吹穆斯林必须拿起武器对付西方，还鼓吹滥杀男女老幼的暴力是通往变革的惟一道路。他否认穆斯林应享有民主与个人权利，主张暴力极端主义；他的核心目标是毁灭，而不是建设。
Bin Laden and his murderous vision won some adherents. But even before his death, al Qaeda was losing its struggle for relevance, as the overwhelming majority of people saw that the slaughter of innocents did not answer their cries for a better life. By the time we found bin Laden, al Qaeda’s agenda had come to be seen by the vast majority of the region as a dead end, and the people of the Middle East and North Africa had taken their future into their own hands.
本∙拉丹及其杀人的愿景赢得了一些追随者。但即使在他亡命之前，“基地”组织已经输掉了争取民心之战，因为绝大多数人认识到杀害无辜无助于他们对美好生活的追求。在我们找到本∙拉丹时，该地区绝大多数人已经把“基地”组织的图谋看作一条死胡同，中东和北非人民已经将命运掌握在自己手里。
That story of self-determination began six months ago in Tunisia. On December 17th, a young vendor named Mohammed Bouazizi was devastated when a police officer confiscated his cart. This was not unique. It’s the same kind of humiliation that takes place every day in many parts of the world -– the relentless tyranny of governments that deny their citizens dignity. Only this time, something different happened. After local officials refused to hear his complaints, this young man, who had never been particularly active in politics, went to the headquarters of the provincial government, doused himself in fuel, and lit himself on fire.
争取掌控自己命运的故事六个月前始于突尼斯。12月17日，一个名叫穆罕默德∙布阿齐齐（Mohammed Bouazizi）的年轻小贩因被警察没收了他用来摆摊的推车而被逼入绝境。这种情况司空见惯。同样的令人屈辱的事件——践踏公民尊严的政府暴虐行为——每天都在世界上很多地方发生，只是这一次的后果不同。在地方官员拒绝听取他的投诉后，这位从未在政治上特别活跃的年轻人前往省政府，把汽油浇在自己的身上，点火自焚。
There are times in the course of history when the actions of ordinary citizens spark movements for change because they speak to a longing for freedom that has been building up for years. In America, think of the defiance of those patriots in Boston who refused to pay taxes to a King, or the dignity of Rosa Parks as she sat courageously in her seat. So it was in Tunisia, as that vendor’s act of desperation tapped into the frustration felt throughout the country. Hundreds of protesters took to the streets, then thousands. And in the face of batons and sometimes bullets, they refused to go home –- day after day, week after week -- until a dictator of more than two decades finally left power.
在历史进程中，有时普通公民的行动会激起争取变革的运动，因为这样的行动会引起人们心中积聚多年的对自由的渴望。在美国，大家可以回想一下当年那些拒绝向国王缴税的波士顿爱国者的反抗精神，或罗莎∙帕克斯（Rosa Parks）[在公共汽车上]勇敢地坐在自己的座位上所展示的尊严。就这样，在突尼斯，这名小贩因绝望而采取的行动唤醒了全国民众的愤慨。数百名抗议者走上街头，后来增加到数千名。面对警棍甚至子弹的威胁，他们拒不回家——一天又一天，一周又一周——直到一个统治长达20多年的独裁者最终放弃了权力。
The story of this revolution, and the ones that followed, should not have come as a surprise. The nations of the Middle East and North Africa won their independence long ago, but in too many places their people did not. In too many countries, power has been concentrated in the hands of a few. In too many countries, a citizen like that young vendor had nowhere to turn -– no honest judiciary to hear his case; no independent media to give him voice; no credible political party to represent his views; no free and fair election where he could choose his leader.
这个革命的故事及其后一系列革命的发生并非偶然。中东和北非国家早就赢得了独立，但在太多的地方，这些国家的人民没有赢得独立。在太多的国家，权力集中在极少数人的手里。在太多的国家，像这位年轻小贩一样的公民无处求助——没有诚实的司法机构听取他的投诉，没有独立的媒体为他代言，没有具有公信力的政党代表他的观点，没有自由公平的选举可以让他来选择自己的领导人。
And this lack of self-determination –- the chance to make your life what you will –- has applied to the region’s economy as well. Yes, some nations are blessed with wealth in oil and gas, and that has led to pockets of prosperity. But in a global economy based on knowledge, based on innovation, no development strategy can be based solely upon what comes out of the ground. Nor can people reach their potential when you cannot start a business without paying a bribe.
这种缺乏自决——按自己意志改变生活的机会——也表现在这个地区的经济上。的确，一 些国家很幸运地享有石油和天然气财富，这导致了一些局部的繁荣。但是，在以知识为基础，在以创新为基础的全球经济中，没有任何发展战略可以仅仅以来自地下的东西为基础。在不贿赂就不能创业的环境中，人们也无法实现自己的潜能。
In the face of these challenges, too many leaders in the region tried to direct their people’s grievances elsewhere. The West was blamed as the source of all ills, a half-century after the end of colonialism. Antagonism toward Israel became the only acceptable outlet for political expression. Divisions of tribe, ethnicity and religious sect were manipulated as a means of holding on to power, or taking it away from somebody else.
面对这些挑战，该地区太多的领导人试图把本国人民的不满引向它方。西方被指责为所有弊病的根源，可是殖民主义已结束了半个世纪。反对以色列成为唯一可被接受的政治言论。部落、民族和宗教派别隔阂被利用作为维持政权或从他人夺取政权的手段。
But the events of the past six months show us that strategies of repression and strategies of diversion will not work anymore. Satellite television and the Internet provide a window into the wider world -– a world of astonishing progress in places like India and Indonesia and Brazil. Cell phones and social networks allow young people to connect and organize like never before. And so a new generation has emerged. And their voices tell us that change cannot be denied.
但是，过去六个月的事件告诉我们，镇压策略、转移视线的策略不再奏效。卫星电视和互联网提供了观察更广阔世界的窗口——一个出现了像印度、印度尼西亚和巴西等地的惊人进步的世界。手机和社交网络让年轻人以前所未有的方式联络和组织。一代新人开始出现。他们的声音告诉我们，变化不容否认。
In Cairo, we heard the voice of the young mother who said, “It’s like I can finally breathe fresh air for the first time.”
在开罗（Cairo），我们听到年轻妈妈说：“这就像我终于第一次能够呼吸到新鲜空气。”
In Sanaa, we heard the students who chanted, “The night must come to an end.”
在萨那（Sanaa），我们听到学生高呼，“黑夜必将结束。”
In Benghazi, we heard the engineer who said, “Our words are free now. It’s a feeling you can’t explain.”
在班加西（Benghazi），我们听到工程师说：“我们的言论现在自由了。这是一种难以言喻的感觉。”
In Damascus, we heard the young man who said, “After the first yelling, the first shout, you feel dignity.”
在大马士革（Damascus），我们听到年轻人说：“经过第一次大喊，第一次大叫，你感受到了尊严。”
Those shouts of human dignity are being heard across the region. And through the moral force of nonviolence, the people of the region have achieved more change in six months than terrorists have accomplished in decades.
这些人类尊严的呼喊声响彻整个地区。这个地区的人民以非暴力的道德力量，在短短半年内促成的变革比恐怖主义分子几十年产生的变化更多。
Of course, change of this magnitude does not come easily. In our day and age -– a time of 24-hour news cycles and constant communication –- people expect the transformation of the region to be resolved in a matter of weeks. But it will be years before this story reaches its end. Along the way, there will be good days and there will bad days. In some places, change will be swift; in others, gradual. And as we’ve already seen, calls for change may give way, in some cases, to fierce contests for power.
当然，如此规模的改变来之不易。在我们今天的时代——24小时新闻循环，不间断的通讯——人们期待这个地区的转变在几周内就可以完成。但这段历程将需要经过多年时间才会到达终点。在途中，会有顺利的时候，也会有不顺利的时候。在有些地方，变化将是迅速的，在另一些地方，则是循序渐进的。正如我们已经看到，在有些情况下，改变的呼声可能转变成对权力的激烈争夺。
The question before us is what role America will play as this story unfolds. For decades, the United States has pursued a set of core interests in the region: countering terrorism and stopping the spread of nuclear weapons; securing the free flow of commerce and safe-guarding the security of the region; standing up for Israel’s security and pursuing Arab-Israeli peace.
摆在我们面前的问题是，在这个进程中美国将扮演何种角色。几十年来，美国一直在该地区遵循一套核心利益：打击恐怖主义和制止核武器扩散、确保商业的自由流通、保卫该地区的安全；支持以色列的安全和追求阿拉伯-以色列和平。
We will continue to do these things, with the firm belief that America’s interests are not hostile to people’s hopes; they’re essential to them. We believe that no one benefits from a nuclear arms race in the region, or al Qaeda’s brutal attacks. We believe people everywhere would see their economies crippled by a cut-off in energy supplies. As we did in the Gulf War, we will not tolerate aggression across borders, and we will keep our commitments to friends and partners.
我们将继续这样做，因为我们坚信，美国的利益与人民的希望并不敌对，而是对其十分重要。我们认为，任何人都不会从该地区的核军备竞赛中得到好处，也不会从“基地”组织的野蛮攻击中得到好处。我们认为，世界各地的人都会看到切断能源供应将造成他们的经济瘫痪。正如在海湾战争（Gulf War）中一样，我们不会容忍跨国界的侵略行为，我们将恪守对朋友和伙伴的承诺。
Yet we must acknowledge that a strategy based solely upon the narrow pursuit of these interests will not fill an empty stomach or allow someone to speak their mind. Moreover, failure to speak to the broader aspirations of ordinary people will only feed the suspicion that has festered for years that the United States pursues our interests at their expense. Given that this mistrust runs both ways –- as Americans have been seared by hostage-taking and violent rhetoric and terrorist attacks that have killed thousands of our citizens -– a failure to change our approach threatens a deepening spiral of division between the United States and the Arab world.
然而，我们必须承认，一个仅以对这些利益的狭隘追求为基础的战略不会让人有食果腹，也不会让人能够直抒己见。此外，不注重普通人民更广泛的渴求只会增加萦绕多年的怀疑，即美国靠牺牲他人而追求自己的利益。鉴于这种不信任是双向的——因为美国人曾因被扣押人质、暴力言论和导致数以千计公民丧生的恐怖袭击而留下痛苦的烙印——不改变我们的方法有可能使美国和阿拉伯世界之间的分歧循环深化。
And that’s why, two years ago in Cairo, I began to broaden our engagement based upon mutual interests and mutual respect. I believed then -– and I believe now -– that we have a stake not just in the stability of nations, but in the self-determination of individuals. The status quo is not sustainable. Societies held together by fear and repression may offer the illusion of stability for a time, but they are built upon fault lines that will eventually tear asunder.
这就是为什么两年前在开罗，我开始扩大以我们的共同利益和相互尊重为基础的交往。我当时相信，而且现在也相信，我们不但与这些国家的稳定利益攸关，而且与个人自决利益攸关。维持现状是不可能的。靠恐惧和压迫维持的社会也许可以一时带来稳定的幻觉，但它们是建立在断层上，终将土崩瓦解。
So we face a historic opportunity. We have the chance to show that America values the dignity of the street vendor in Tunisia more than the raw power of the dictator. There must be no doubt that the United States of America welcomes change that advances self-determination and opportunity. Yes, there will be perils that accompany this moment of promise. But after decades of accepting the world as it is in the region, we have a chance to pursue the world as it should be.
因此，我们面临着一个历史机遇。我们有机会来表明，在突尼斯街头小贩的尊严与独裁者的野蛮权力之间，美国更看重前者。不容质疑的是，美国欢迎促进自主与增进机会的变革。不错，与这个充满希望的时刻联袂而至的也有风险。但是，在数十年来一直接受这个地区的现状之后，我们现在有机会来争取让该地区变成它本应该有的样子。
Of course, as we do, we must proceed with a sense of humility. It’s not America that put people into the streets of Tunis or Cairo -– it was the people themselves who launched these movements, and it’s the people themselves that must ultimately determine their outcome.
当然，我们在这样做的时候必须抱着谦恭的态度。并不是美国把人们推上了突尼斯或开罗的街头，而是当地人民发起了这些示威抗议行动，最终也必须由当地人民自己决定结果如何。
Not every country will follow our particular form of representative democracy, and there will be times when our short-term interests don’t align perfectly with our long-term vision for the region. But we can, and we will, speak out for a set of core principles –- principles that have guided our response to the events over the past six months:
并不是每个国家都会效仿我国代议制民主的特定形式，而且会有我们的短期利益与我们关于该地区的长期愿景并不完全相符的时候。但是我们能够而且将会阐明一系列核心原则——指引我们对以往六个月发生的各种事件作出回应的原则：
The United States opposes the use of violence and repression against the people of the region. (Applause.)
美国反对对该地区人民使用暴力与镇压手段。（掌声）
The United States supports a set of universal rights. And these rights include free speech, the freedom of peaceful assembly, the freedom of religion, equality for men and women under the rule of law, and the right to choose your own leaders -– whether you live in Baghdad or Damascus, Sanaa or Tehran.
美国支持一系列普世权利。这些权利包括：言论自由、和平集会的自由、宗教自由、法治之下的男女平等，以及选择自己的领导人的自由——无论在巴格达（Baghdad）、大马士革（Damascus），还是萨那（Sanaa）或德黑兰（Tehran）。
And we support political and economic reform in the Middle East and North Africa that can meet the legitimate aspirations of ordinary people throughout the region.
我们支持发生在中东和北非的能够满足整个地区普通人民的合理愿望的政治与经济改革。
Our support for these principles is not a secondary interest. Today I want to make it clear that it is a top priority that must be translated into concrete actions, and supported by all of the diplomatic, economic and strategic tools at our disposal.
我们对这些原则的支持并不是我们的次要利益所在。今天，我要在这里明确宣布，这是一个我们必须将之转化为实际行动的当务之急，我们还将利用我们所掌握的所有外交、经济与战略手段予以支持。
Let me be specific. First, it will be the policy of the United States to promote reform across the region, and to support transitions to democracy. That effort begins in Egypt and Tunisia, where the stakes are high -– as Tunisia was at the vanguard of this democratic wave, and Egypt is both a longstanding partner and the Arab world’s largest nation. Both nations can set a strong example through free and fair elections, a vibrant civil society, accountable and effective democratic institutions, and responsible regional leadership. But our support must also extend to nations where transitions have yet to take place.
具体来说，首先，促进整个地区的变革，支持向民主过渡将是美国的政策。这项努力始于埃及和突尼斯，那两个国家的成败利害攸关，因为突尼斯是掀起这场民主浪潮的先锋，而埃及既是我们的长期伙伴，也是阿拉伯世界最大的国家。这两个国家都能通过自由与公平的选举、充满活力的公民社会、实行问责与高效的民主机构，以及负责任的地区性领导作用树立优秀典范。但我们的支持还必须扩大到那些转型尚未开始的国家。
Unfortunately, in too many countries, calls for change have thus far been answered by violence. The most extreme example is Libya, where Muammar Qaddafi launched a war against his own people, promising to hunt them down like rats. As I said when the United States joined an international coalition to intervene, we cannot prevent every injustice perpetrated by a regime against its people, and we have learned from our experience in Iraq just how costly and difficult it is to try to impose regime change by force -– no matter how well-intentioned it may be.
遗憾的是，到目前为止，在太多的国家里，要求改革的呼声被暴力压制，其中最极端的例子是利比亚（Libya），在那里，卡扎菲（Moammar Gaddafi）向他自己的人民发动了一场战争，并扬言要像灭老鼠一样把他们斩尽杀绝。正如我在美国加入国际联盟共同干预利比亚局势时所说，我们无法制止政权对其人民所施加的每一个不公正行为；我们在伊拉克的经验让我们认识到，无论多么用心良苦，试图用武力来实现政权更迭，其代价是多么高昂，而且是何等的困难。
But in Libya, we saw the prospect of imminent massacre, we had a mandate for action, and heard the Libyan people’s call for help. Had we not acted along with our NATO allies and regional coalition partners, thousands would have been killed. The message would have been clear: Keep power by killing as many people as it takes. Now, time is working against Qaddafi. He does not have control over his country. The opposition has organized a legitimate and credible Interim Council. And when Qaddafi inevitably leaves or is forced from power, decades of provocation will come to an end, and the transition to a democratic Libya can proceed.
但是在利比亚，我们看到的是迫在眉睫的大屠杀的可能性，我们获得了行动的授权，我们听到了利比亚人民要求援助的呼声。如果我们没有与我们的北约（NATO）盟友和该地区的联盟伙伴一起采取行动，数以千计的平民恐怕已经丧生。那样的情况只会说明：为了保住权力，杀死多少人都在所不惜。现在，卡扎菲的时间已经不多了。他已经失去对国家的控制，反对派已经组织起一个合法的、有信誉的临时委员会（Interim Council）。当卡扎菲无可避免地下台或是被罢黜时，数十年的挑衅将划上句号，利比亚向民主过渡的进程将会开始。
While Libya has faced violence on the greatest scale, it’s not the only place where leaders have turned to repression to remain in power. Most recently, the Syrian regime has chosen the path of murder and the mass arrests of its citizens. The United States has condemned these actions, and working with the international community we have stepped up our sanctions on the Syrian regime –- including sanctions announced yesterday on President Assad and those around him.
尽管利比亚出现最大规模的暴力，但它并不是国家领导人以压制手段来维持权力的唯一一个国家。就在最近，叙利亚（Syrian）政权选择了谋杀并大批逮捕其公民的道路。美国已经声明谴责这些行径，并正与国际社会一起采取行动加强对叙利亚政权的制裁，包括昨天宣布的对阿萨德总统（President Assad）及其亲信的制裁。
The Syrian people have shown their courage in demanding a transition to democracy. President Assad now has a choice: He can lead that transition, or get out of the way. The Syrian government must stop shooting demonstrators and allow peaceful protests. It must release political prisoners and stop unjust arrests. It must allow human rights monitors to have access to cities like Dara’a; and start a serious dialogue to advance a democratic transition. Otherwise, President Assad and his regime will continue to be challenged from within and will continue to be isolated abroad.
叙利亚人民要求向民主过渡表明了他们的勇气。阿萨德总统现在可以作出选择：他可以领导这场过渡，也可以让出道路。叙利亚政府必须停止向示威者开枪，并允许举行和平抗议活动。它必须释放政治犯并停止不公正的逮捕。它必须允许人权观察员进入达拉（Dara’a）等城市，并开始进行推动民主过渡的认真对话。否则，阿萨德总统及其政权将继续受到来自国内的挑战并在国外继续陷于孤立。
So far, Syria has followed its Iranian ally, seeking assistance from Tehran in the tactics of suppression. And this speaks to the hypocrisy of the Iranian regime, which says it stand for the rights of protesters abroad, yet represses its own people at home. Let’s remember that the first peaceful protests in the region were in the streets of Tehran, where the government brutalized women and men, and threw innocent people into jail. We still hear the chants echo from the rooftops of Tehran. The image of a young woman dying in the streets is still seared in our memory. And we will continue to insist that the Iranian people deserve their universal rights, and a government that does not smother their aspirations.
到目前为止，叙利亚一直追随其伊朗盟友，并就镇压策略向德黑兰求助。这说明了伊朗政权的虚伪，它宣称支持其他国家抗议者的权利，却镇压本国人民。让我们记住最初的和平抗议活动发生在德黑兰街头，而伊朗政府在那里残暴地镇压男女示威者，并把无辜的民众投入监狱。来自德黑兰建筑物顶部的抗议声今天仍然在我们耳边回响。一位年轻女子惨死街头的形象仍然铭刻在我们的记忆之中。我们将继续表明态度，伊朗人民应该获得他们的普世权利，应该享有一个不扼杀他们的理想的政府。
Now, our opposition to Iran’s intolerance and Iran’s repressive measures, as well as its illicit nuclear program and its support of terror, is well known. But if America is to be credible, we must acknowledge that at times our friends in the region have not all reacted to the demands for consistent change -- with change that’s consistent with the principles that I’ve outlined today. That’s true in Yemen, where President Saleh needs to follow through on his commitment to transfer power. And that’s true today in Bahrain.
众所周知，我们反对伊朗的不容异见的做法和压制行为，反对伊朗非法从事的核项目及其对恐怖活动的支持。但是，如果美国要享有公信力，我们必须承认：我们在该地区的朋友们有时对于那些与我今天概述的原则一致的变革要求并没有作出应有的反应。在也门是如此——也门总统萨利赫（Saleh）需要兑现其转交政权的承诺——今天在巴林也是如此。
Bahrain is a longstanding partner, and we are committed to its security. We recognize that Iran has tried to take advantage of the turmoil there, and that the Bahraini government has a legitimate interest in the rule of law.
巴林是一个长期合作伙伴，我们致力于保障它的安全。我们认识到伊朗试图利用那里的骚乱，认识到巴林政府有维护法治的合法权益。
Nevertheless, we have insisted both publicly and privately that mass arrests and brute force are at odds with the universal rights of Bahrain’s citizens, and we will -- and such steps will not make legitimate calls for reform go away. The only way forward is for the government and opposition to engage in a dialogue, and you can’t have a real dialogue when parts of the peaceful opposition are in jail. (Applause.) The government must create the conditions for dialogue, and the opposition must participate to forge a just future for all Bahrainis.
然而，我们在公开和非公开场合都表明，大规模逮捕和残酷的暴力与巴林公民的普世权利并不相容，这些做法不会使要求改革的合法呼声消失。唯一出路是政府与反对派进行对话，而当和平争取权利的一些反对派人士身陷囹圄时，无法进行真正的对话。（掌声）政府必须创造对话的条件，而反对党则必须参与对话，以便为全体巴林人民缔造一个公正的未来。
Indeed, one of the broader lessons to be drawn from this period is that sectarian divides need not lead to conflict. In Iraq, we see the promise of a multiethnic, multisectarian democracy. The Iraqi people have rejected the perils of political violence in favor of a democratic process, even as they’ve taken full responsibility for their own security. Of course, like all new democracies, they will face setbacks. But Iraq is poised to play a key role in the region if it continues its peaceful progress. And as they do, we will be proud to stand with them as a steadfast partner.
的确，可从这一时期得出的更具广泛意义的教训之一是：派系分歧不是造成冲突的必然原因。在伊拉克，我们看到建立一个多族裔、 多教派的民主国家的希望。伊拉克人民在争取民主的进程中拒绝了危险的政治暴力，尽管他们正在承接保护自身安全的全面责任。当然，与所有新兴民主国家一样，他们将面对各种挫折。但是，伊拉克如果继续走向和平，就会在该地区发挥重要的作用。在他们这样做的时候，我们将作为一个坚定的伙伴自豪地与他们站在一起。
So in the months ahead, America must use all our influence to encourage reform in the region. Even as we acknowledge that each country is different, we need to speak honestly about the principles that we believe in, with friend and foe alike. Our message is simple: If you take the risks that reform entails, you will have the full support of the United States.
因此，在未来几个月，美国必须运用我们所有的影响力来鼓励这个地区的改革。即使我们认识到每个国家各不相同，我们也必须坦诚地表明我们所坚信的原则，不管是对朋友还是对敌人。我们要传达的信息简单明了：如果你们承担改革所蕴含的风险，就会得到我们美国的全力支持。
We must also build on our efforts to broaden our engagement beyond elites, so that we reach the people who will shape the future -– particularly young people. We will continue to make good on the commitments that I made in Cairo -– to build networks of entrepreneurs and expand exchanges in education, to foster cooperation in science and technology, and combat disease. Across the region, we intend to provide assistance to civil society, including those that may not be officially sanctioned, and who speak uncomfortable truths. And we will use the technology to connect with -– and listen to –- the voices of the people.
我们还必须进一步努力，将我们的接触范围扩大到精英人士之外，联络将开创未来的群体，特别是年轻人。 我们将继续兑现我在开罗所作的承诺——建立创业者网络，扩大教育交流，促进科技领域的合作以及防治疾病。在整个地区，我们打算为公民社会提供援助，其中包括那些可能未经政府认可的、敢于揭露不堪事实的组织。我们并将利用技术与人民沟通，倾听他们的呼声。
For the fact is, real reform does not come at the ballot box alone. Through our efforts we must support those basic rights to speak your mind and access information. We will support open access to the Internet, and the right of journalists to be heard -– whether it’s a big news organization or a lone blogger. In the 21st century, information is power, the truth cannot be hidden, and the legitimacy of governments will ultimately depend on active and informed citizens.
因为事实是，真正的改革不会仅仅通过投票实现。我们必须努力支持讲真话和获得信息的基本权利。我们必须支持互联网的自由开放，以及新闻记者——无论是大型新闻机构还是博客作者个人——的话语权。在21世纪，信息就是权力；真理不容掩盖；政府的合法性将最终取决于活跃和知情的公民。
Such open discourse is important even if what is said does not square with our worldview. Let me be clear, America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard, even if we disagree with them. And sometimes we profoundly disagree with them.
这样的公开对话很重要，哪怕其中的言论与我们的世界观不符。我要说明：美国尊重公开表述一切和平与守法的言论的权利，哪怕我们不赞同这些言论，甚至有时强烈反对这些言论。
We look forward to working with all who embrace genuine and inclusive democracy. What we will oppose is an attempt by any group to restrict the rights of others, and to hold power through coercion and not consent. Because democracy depends not only on elections, but also strong and accountable institutions, and the respect for the rights of minorities.
我们期待着与所有提倡真正的、有包容性的民主的人共同努力。我们将反对任何组织限制他人权利的任何企图，反对利用强迫手段——而不经[人民的]同意——把持权力。这是因为民主依靠的不仅是选举，而且是强大和负责任的机构，以及对少数派的权利的尊重。
Such tolerance is particularly important when it comes to religion. In Tahrir Square, we heard Egyptians from all walks of life chant, “Muslims, Christians, we are one.” America will work to see that this spirit prevails -– that all faiths are respected, and that bridges are built among them. In a region that was the birthplace of three world religions, intolerance can lead only to suffering and stagnation. And for this season of change to succeed, Coptic Christians must have the right to worship freely in Cairo, just as Shia must never have their mosques destroyed in Bahrain.
这样的宽容在宗教问题上尤其重要。在自由广场（Tahrir Square），我们听到埃及各行各业人士高呼“穆斯林、基督徒，我们团结一心”。美国将努力确保这一精神得到发扬——所有宗教信仰都受到尊重，并在它们之间搭建桥梁。在这个世界三大宗教的发源地，不宽容只会导致痛苦和僵滞。为了在这个变革时期获得成功，什叶派在巴林的清真寺绝不应当遭到毁坏，同样地，开罗的科普特基督徒（Coptic Christians）也必须享有自由信教的权利。
What is true for religious minorities is also true when it comes to the rights of women. History shows that countries are more prosperous and more peaceful when women are empowered. And that’s why we will continue to insist that universal rights apply to women as well as men -– by focusing assistance on child and maternal health; by helping women to teach, or start a business; by standing up for the right of women to have their voices heard, and to run for office. The region will never reach its full potential when more than half of its population is prevented from achieving their full potential. (Applause.)
宗教少数派的情况也同样表现在妇女权利上。历史表明，在妇女拥有权利的情况下，国家就更加繁荣太平。因此，我们将继续坚持妇女同男人一样享有普世权利——我们将提供针对儿童和母亲健康的援助；帮助妇女参与教学或创业；支持妇女争取让她们的声音得到倾听和竞选公职的权利。如果这里一半以上的人口无法发挥自己的潜力，这个地区也就永远无法实现自己的潜能。（掌声）
Now, even as we promote political reform, even as we promote human rights in the region, our efforts can’t stop there. So the second way that we must support positive change in the region is through our efforts to advance economic development for nations that are transitioning to democracy.
即使在这个地区促进政治改革和人权的同时，我们也不能将努力仅限于此。我们必须支持这个地区作出积极转变的第二个途径是，努力推动向民主转化的国家的经济发展。
After all, politics alone has not put protesters into the streets. The tipping point for so many people is the more constant concern of putting food on the table and providing for a family. Too many people in the region wake up with few expectations other than making it through the day, perhaps hoping that their luck will change. Throughout the region, many young people have a solid education, but closed economies leave them unable to find a job. Entrepreneurs are brimming with ideas, but corruption leaves them unable to profit from those ideas.
政治毕竟不是人们上街示威的唯一原因；最终导致许多人走上街头的一个关键因素，是更为经常不断的与养家糊口相关的担忧。这个地区有太多的人每天醒来，除了设法度日和也许指望时来运转以外，无所期盼。这个地区到处都有大量受过良好教育的年轻人，然而由于经济封闭，他们无法找到工作。实业家虽创意层出不穷，但腐败使他们无法收益。
The greatest untapped resource in the Middle East and North Africa is the talent of its people. In the recent protests, we see that talent on display, as people harness technology to move the world. It’s no coincidence that one of the leaders of Tahrir Square was an executive for Google. That energy now needs to be channeled, in country after country, so that economic growth can solidify the accomplishments of the street. For just as democratic revolutions can be triggered by a lack of individual opportunity, successful democratic transitions depend upon an expansion of growth and broad-based prosperity.
中东和北非地区未得到启用的最宝贵资源是那里的人民。在最近的示威活动中，人们运用技术手段转变了世界，也让我们看到了这些人才。解放广场上的领袖人物之一是谷歌（Google）一位主管，这不是偶然的巧合。现在需要的是，将这种能量在各个国家逐一汇聚起来，让街头的成果通过经济增长得到巩固。如同缺少个人机会可以导致民主革命一样，成功的民主转型取决于扩大发展和普遍繁荣。
So, drawing from what we’ve learned around the world, we think it’s important to focus on trade, not just aid; on investment, not just assistance. The goal must be a model in which protectionism gives way to openness, the reigns of commerce pass from the few to the many, and the economy generates jobs for the young. America’s support for democracy will therefore be based on ensuring financial stability, promoting reform, and integrating competitive markets with each other and the global economy. And we’re going to start with Tunisia and Egypt.
基于我们在全世界的经验教训，我们认为必须注重贸易而不只是扶助，注重投资而不只是援助。必须让这样一个模式成为我们的目标——它使保护主义让位于开放；商贸控制权从少数人转到多数人手中；让经济给年轻人带来就业。因此，美国对民主的支持将基于确保金融稳定；促进改革；让竞争性市场相互融合并与全球经济接轨。我们将从突尼斯和埃及开始。
First, we’ve asked the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to present a plan at next week’s G8 summit for what needs to be done to stabilize and modernize the economies of Tunisia and Egypt. Together, we must help them recover from the disruptions of their democratic upheaval, and support the governments that will be elected later this year. And we are urging other countries to help Egypt and Tunisia meet its near-term financial needs.
首先，我们已经要求世界银行（World Bank）和国际货币基金组织（International Monetary Fund）在下一次G-8峰会上提出计划，阐明我们为突尼斯和埃及实现经济稳定和现代化必须进行的工作。我们必须共同帮助他们克服各自民主运动期间出现的停滞状态，支持今年将通过选举产生的政府。我们也要求其他国家帮助埃及和突尼斯满足近期的财政需要。
Second, we do not want a democratic Egypt to be saddled by the debts of its past. So we will relieve a democratic Egypt of up to $1 billion in debt, and work with our Egyptian partners to invest these resources to foster growth and entrepreneurship. We will help Egypt regain access to markets by guaranteeing $1 billion in borrowing that is needed to finance infrastructure and job creation. And we will help newly democratic governments recover assets that were stolen.
第二，我们不希望一个民主的埃及受累于过去的债务。因此，我们将为民主的埃及免除高达10亿美元的债务，并将与我们的埃及伙伴协作，把这些资源用于促进经济增长和鼓励创业。我们还将为埃及担保10亿美元的债务，把这笔钱用于建设基础设施和增加就业，从而帮助埃及重新获得市场。我们也会帮助经过民主选举产生的新政府索回被盗窃的资产。
Third, we’re working with Congress to create Enterprise Funds to invest in Tunisia and Egypt. And these will be modeled on funds that supported the transitions in Eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall. OPIC will soon launch a $2 billion facility to support private investment across the region. And we will work with the allies to refocus the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development so that it provides the same support for democratic transitions and economic modernization in the Middle East and North Africa as it has in Europe.
第三，我们正在与国会协作，建立“创业基金”（Enterprise Funds），在突尼斯和埃及投资。此类基金将仿照柏林墙倒塌后用于支持东欧过渡的基金。海外私人投资公司（OPIC）不久将启动一项20亿美元的贷款计划，广泛支持对这个地区的私人投资。另外，我们将与盟友协作，重新确定欧洲复兴开发银行（European Bank for Reconstruction and Development）的投资重点，像在欧洲那样支持中东和北非的民主过渡和经济现代化。
Fourth, the United States will launch a comprehensive Trade and Investment Partnership Initiative in the Middle East and North Africa. If you take out oil exports, this entire region of over 400 million people exports roughly the same amount as Switzerland. So we will work with the EU to facilitate more trade within the region, build on existing agreements to promote integration with U.S. and European markets, and open the door for those countries who adopt high standards of reform and trade liberalization to construct a regional trade arrangement. And just as EU membership served as an incentive for reform in Europe, so should the vision of a modern and prosperous economy create a powerful force for reform in the Middle East and North Africa.
第四，美国将在中东和北非推出一项全面的“贸易和投资伙伴计划”（Trade and Investment Partnership Initiative）。如果不计算石油出口，这个拥有4亿多人口的地区的出口额与瑞士大致相等。因此，我们将与欧盟协作，促进这个地区内部的贸易，扩大现有协议，促进与美国及欧洲市场的整合，为作出一项地区性贸易安排打开大门，使那些推行高标准改革和贸易自由化的国家受益。正如欧盟成员资格被用于在欧洲鼓励改革一样，关于建设一个现代化的繁荣经济的愿景也应当成为在中东和北非推动改革的一股强大的力量。
Prosperity also requires tearing down walls that stand in the way of progress -– the corruption of elites who steal from their people; the red tape that stops an idea from becoming a business; the patronage that distributes wealth based on tribe or sect. We will help governments meet international obligations, and invest efforts at anti-corruption -- by working with parliamentarians who are developing reforms, and activists who use technology to increase transparency and hold government accountable. Politics and human rights; economic reform.
要实现繁荣，还必须拆除阻挡进步的障碍——从人民手中窃取资产的精英阶层的腐败、阻碍把创新想法变成企业的繁缛的审批手续、基于部落或派系分配财富的制度。我们将与倡导改革的议员们以及利用科技手段推动增加透明度和向政府问责的社会活动人士协作，帮助政府履行其国际义务，大力反腐败。-- 政治与人权；经济改革。
Let me conclude by talking about another cornerstone of our approach to the region, and that relates to the pursuit of peace.
最后，我要讲一下我们对该地区方针的另一块基石，它关系到追求和平。
For decades, the conflict between Israelis and Arabs has cast a shadow over the region. For Israelis, it has meant living with the fear that their children could be blown up on a bus or by rockets fired at their homes, as well as the pain of knowing that other children in the region are taught to hate them. For Palestinians, it has meant suffering the humiliation of occupation, and never living in a nation of their own. Moreover, this conflict has come with a larger cost to the Middle East, as it impedes partnerships that could bring greater security and prosperity and empowerment to ordinary people.
数十年来，以色列人和阿拉伯人之间的冲突为该地区蒙上了阴影。对以色列人而言，这意味着生活在恐惧之中，担心校车上的孩子被炸或他们的住宅被火箭弹摧毁，同时痛苦地意识到该地区的其他孩子受到仇恨他们的教育。对巴勒斯坦人而言，这意味着忍受被占领的屈辱，永远没有机会在自己的国家生活。另外，这场冲突也使中东地区承受更大的代价，致使可能为普通人带来更大安全、繁荣和权利的伙伴关系无法建立。
For over two years, my administration has worked with the parties and the international community to end this conflict, building on decades of work by previous administrations. Yet expectations have gone unmet. Israeli settlement activity continues. Palestinians have walked away from talks. The world looks at a conflict that has grinded on and on and on, and sees nothing but stalemate. Indeed, there are those who argue that with all the change and uncertainty in the region, it is simply not possible to move forward now.
两年多来，本届政府一直在与有关各方和国际社会共同努力结束这一争端，但预期的目标却没有实现。以色列修建定居点的活动还在继续。巴勒斯坦方面退出了谈判。全世界看到双方的冲突几十年来缠绵不休，认为这只能是一个僵局。的确有一些人强调，鉴于该地区的种种变化和不确定因素，根本不可能向前推进。
I disagree. At a time when the people of the Middle East and North Africa are casting off the burdens of the past, the drive for a lasting peace that ends the conflict and resolves all claims is more urgent than ever. That’s certainly true for the two parties involved.
但我不这样认为。在中东和北非地区的人民摆脱历史包袱的时刻，实现一个能够结束争端并解决所有诉求的持久和平的愿望比以往任何时候都更加迫切。对于涉及此事的双方，这一点已经确定无疑。
For the Palestinians, efforts to delegitimize Israel will end in failure. Symbolic actions to isolate Israel at the United Nations in September won’t create an independent state. Palestinian leaders will not achieve peace or prosperity if Hamas insists on a path of terror and rejection. And Palestinians will never realize their independence by denying the right of Israel to exist.
对巴勒斯坦人而言，否认以色列合法性的做法只会以失败告终。九月份在联合国孤立以色列的象征性举动不可能促成一个独立国家的建立。如果哈马斯（Hamas）执意要走恐怖和否认的道路，巴勒斯坦领导人将无法实现和平或繁荣。巴勒斯坦人永远都无法通过否认以色列的生存权来实现自己的独立。
As for Israel, our friendship is rooted deeply in a shared history and shared values. Our commitment to Israel’s security is unshakeable. And we will stand against attempts to single it out for criticism in international forums. But precisely because of our friendship, it’s important that we tell the truth: The status quo is unsustainable, and Israel too must act boldly to advance a lasting peace.
至于以色列，我们的友谊深深地植根于共同的历史和共同的价值观。我们对以色列安全的承诺是坚定不移的。我们还将反对试图在国际论坛上仅对以色列进行指责的举动。但正是出于我们之间的友谊，我们必须实言相告：这种现状是无法持续的，为推动实现持久和平，以色列也必须采取有魄力的行动。
The fact is, a growing number of Palestinians live west of the Jordan River. Technology will make it harder for Israel to defend itself. A region undergoing profound change will lead to populism in which millions of people -– not just one or two leaders -- must believe peace is possible. The international community is tired of an endless process that never produces an outcome. The dream of a Jewish and democratic state cannot be fulfilled with permanent occupation.
实际情况是，有越来越多的巴勒斯坦人生活在约旦河以西地区。新技术将增加以色列保卫自己的难度。一个正在经历巨变的地区将促使民粹主义出现，这里的千百万人民——而不仅仅是个别领导人——必须相信和平是可能实现的。国际社会已对一个从未产生任何结果的无休止的进程感到厌倦。一个犹太人的民主国家的梦想无法通过永久占领来实现。
Now, ultimately, it is up to the Israelis and Palestinians to take action. No peace can be imposed upon them -- not by the United States; not by anybody else. But endless delay won’t make the problem go away. What America and the international community can do is to state frankly what everyone knows -- a lasting peace will involve two states for two peoples: Israel as a Jewish state and the homeland for the Jewish people, and the state of Palestine as the homeland for the Palestinian people, each state enjoying self-determination, mutual recognition, and peace.
归根结底，以色列人和巴勒斯坦人必须采取行动。不可能把和平强加给他们—美国不可能做到，任何人都不可能做到。但无休止的拖延也不可能解决问题。美国和国际社会能够做到的是直言不讳地说明人人皆知的事实：持久和平必须有属于两个民族的两个国家。一个是作为犹太人家园的犹太国家以色列，另一个是作为巴勒斯坦人的家园的巴勒斯坦国；这两个国家都享有自决权，相互承认，和平共处。
So while the core issues of the conflict must be negotiated, the basis of those negotiations is clear: a viable Palestine, a secure Israel. The United States believes that negotiations should result in two states, with permanent Palestinian borders with Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, and permanent Israeli borders with Palestine. We believe the borders of Israel and Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps, so that secure and recognized borders are established for both states. The Palestinian people must have the right to govern themselves, and reach their full potential, in a sovereign and contiguous state.
因此，尽管这一争端的核心问题必须通过谈判解决，但有关谈判的基础是明确的：一个能独立生存的巴勒斯坦和一个有安全保障的以色列。美国认为有关谈判应当产生两国格局，划定巴勒斯坦与以色列、约旦和埃及之间的永久边界，并划定以色列与巴勒斯坦之间的永久边界。我们认为，以巴边界应当以1967年的界线为基础，并根据双方达成的协议交换土地，使两个国家都有安全的、得到承认的边界。巴勒斯坦人民必须拥有主权、领土完整的国家，有权实行自治并充分发挥他们的潜能。
As for security, every state has the right to self-defense, and Israel must be able to defend itself -– by itself -– against any threat. Provisions must also be robust enough to prevent a resurgence of terrorism, to stop the infiltration of weapons, and to provide effective border security. The full and phased withdrawal of Israeli military forces should be coordinated with the assumption of Palestinian security responsibility in a sovereign, non-militarized state. And the duration of this transition period must be agreed, and the effectiveness of security arrangements must be demonstrated.
至于安全，每个国家都有自卫的权利，以色列也必须能够有力量保卫自己，应对任何威胁；还必须有充分的准备，防范恐怖主义复苏，制止武器偷运，有效地保障边界安全。以色列阶段性的全面撤军应该与巴勒斯坦在一个非军事化的主权国家内部承担安全责任的过程相协调。对于这段过渡期的长短必须达成共识，安全措施的效力也必须得到证实。
These principles provide a foundation for negotiations. Palestinians should know the territorial outlines of their state; Israelis should know that their basic security concerns will be met. I’m aware that these steps alone will not resolve the conflict, because two wrenching and emotional issues will remain: the future of Jerusalem, and the fate of Palestinian refugees. But moving forward now on the basis of territory and security provides a foundation to resolve those two issues in a way that is just and fair, and that respects the rights and aspirations of both Israelis and Palestinians.
这些原则为谈判奠定了基础。巴勒斯坦应该能够确知其国家的边界，以色列应该能够确知其基本安全得到保障。我知道这两个步骤本身并不足以解决冲突，因为此外还有两个充满感情纠结的问题：耶路撒冷的未来和巴勒斯坦难民的命运。但是，只要现在基于边界和安全问题向前迈进，就会以尊重以色列人和巴勒斯坦人的权利和愿望的公正和公平的方式为解决这两个问题打下基础。
Now, let me say this: Recognizing that negotiations need to begin with the issues of territory and security does not mean that it will be easy to come back to the table. In particular, the recent announcement of an agreement between Fatah and Hamas raises profound and legitimate questions for Israel: How can one negotiate with a party that has shown itself unwilling to recognize your right to exist? And in the weeks and months to come, Palestinian leaders will have to provide a credible answer to that question. Meanwhile, the United States, our Quartet partners, and the Arab states will need to continue every effort to get beyond the current impasse.
我谨在此表明：认识到谈判需要始于边界和安全问题并不意味着可以轻而易举地重启谈判。具体而言，法塔赫（Fatah）和哈马斯（Hamas）最近公布的一项协议使以色列面对一个有正当理由的根本性问题：你如何能够同一个表示不愿意承认你的生存权的对手谈判？在接下来数周和数月的时间内，巴勒斯坦领导人必须对这个问题提出可信的答案。在此期间，美国、我们的四方集团（Quartet）伙伴以及阿拉伯国家必须继续尽力打破目前的僵局。
I recognize how hard this will be. Suspicion and hostility has been passed on for generations, and at times it has hardened. But I’m convinced that the majority of Israelis and Palestinians would rather look to the future than be trapped in the past. We see that spirit in the Israeli father whose son was killed by Hamas, who helped start an organization that brought together Israelis and Palestinians who had lost loved ones. That father said, “I gradually realized that the only hope for progress was to recognize the face of the conflict.” We see it in the actions of a Palestinian who lost three daughters to Israeli shells in Gaza. “I have the right to feel angry,” he said. “So many people were expecting me to hate. My answer to them is I shall not hate. Let us hope,” he said, “for tomorrow.”
我知道做到这一点有多么困难。几代人以来，猜疑和敌意代代相传，有时候变得更加根深蒂固。可是我确信，大多数以色列人和巴勒斯坦人希望面向未来，而非自陷于过去的泥淖。我们在其儿子被哈马斯杀害的一名以色列父亲身上看到这种精神，他协助发起了一个组织，聚集痛失亲人的以色列人和巴勒斯坦人。他说：“我逐渐认识到，进步的唯一希望在于认清冲突的面目。”我们也在一名于以色列炮轰加沙（Gaza）时失去三个女儿的巴勒斯坦人身上看到这种精神。那位父亲说：“我有权利感到愤怒。许多人都以为我会仇恨。我对他们的回答是：我不会仇恨。让我们对明天充满希望。”
That is the choice that must be made -– not simply in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but across the entire region -– a choice between hate and hope; between the shackles of the past and the promise of the future. It’s a choice that must be made by leaders and by the people, and it’s a choice that will define the future of a region that served as the cradle of civilization and a crucible of strife.
这是一个必须做出的选择──不仅是在以色列和巴勒斯坦的冲突中，而是在整个地区内──在仇恨和希望之间、在过去的枷锁和未来的承诺之间做出选择。这是一个必须由领导人和人民做出的选择，它会确定一个曾经是文明的摇篮和冲突的坩埚的地区的未来。
For all the challenges that lie ahead, we see many reasons to be hopeful. In Egypt, we see it in the efforts of young people who led protests. In Syria, we see it in the courage of those who brave bullets while chanting, “peaceful, peaceful.” In Benghazi, a city threatened with destruction, we see it in the courthouse square where people gather to celebrate the freedoms that they had never known. Across the region, those rights that we take for granted are being claimed with joy by those who are prying loose the grip of an iron fist.
尽管未来的道路上充满挑战，我们依然有很多理由抱持希望。在埃及，我们在领导抗议的年轻人的努力中看到它。在叙利亚，我们在那些冒着弹雨呼喊“和平、和平”的人们的勇气中看到它。在受到毁灭威胁的城市班加西（Benzhazi），我们在聚集于法庭广场庆祝未曾有过的自由的民众身上也看到它。在整个地区，那些挣脱魔掌的人们正在为获得我们视为理所当然的权利而欢欣鼓舞。
For the American people, the scenes of upheaval in the region may be unsettling, but the forces driving it are not unfamiliar. Our own nation was founded through a rebellion against an empire. Our people fought a painful Civil War that extended freedom and dignity to those who were enslaved. And I would not be standing here today unless past generations turned to the moral force of nonviolence as a way to perfect our union –- organizing, marching, protesting peacefully together to make real those words that declared our nation: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”
对于美国人民来说，该地区的动荡情势可能令人不安，但是对背后的驱动力量并不感到陌生。我们自己的国家就是通过反抗帝国建立起来的。我们的祖先曾经打过痛苦的内战，将自由和尊严扩大到曾经饱受奴役的人们。如果不是过去的世世代代以非暴力的道德力量作为完善我们联邦的方式—共同以和平的方式进行组织、游行及抗议，使我国的建国宣言变成真实，我今天就不可能站在这里：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻，人人生而平等。”
Those words must guide our response to the change that is transforming the Middle East and North Africa -– words which tell us that repression will fail, and that tyrants will fall, and that every man and woman is endowed with certain inalienable rights.
我们必须以这些箴言为指导，对使中东和北非发生蜕变的变革作出反应——这些箴言告诉我们，专制压迫必然失败，暴君必将垮台，每一位男男女女都拥有某些不可剥夺的权利。
It will not be easy. There’s no straight line to progress, and hardship always accompanies a season of hope. But the United States of America was founded on the belief that people should govern themselves. And now we cannot hesitate to stand squarely on the side of those who are reaching for their rights, knowing that their success will bring about a world that is more peaceful, more stable, and more just.
这并非易事。进步的道路不可能笔直向前，希望的季节总是伴随着艰苦。然而，美利坚合众国当初是建立在人民应当自治的信念上。现在，我们应该毫不犹豫，坚定地站在那些正在争取自己权利的人们一边，知道他们的成功将会带来一个更和平、更稳定、更公正的世界。
Thank you very much, everybody. (Applause.) Thank you.
多谢大家，感谢你们各位。（掌声）谢谢你们。
