经济学人:美国民主的固有偏向(2)

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The greatest and the smallest states each have two senators, 最大的州和最小的州都会选出两名参议员，

in order that Congress should represent territory as well as people. 以保证国会不仅代表人口利益，也代表各领土的利益。

Yet the over-representation of rural America was not supposed to affect the House and the presidency¹. 但是，美国农村过大的代表权不应影响众议院和总统选举。

For most of the past 200 years, when rural, urban and suburban² interests were scattered³ between the parties, it did not. 在过去200年的大多数时间里，农村、城市还有城郊利益分各一方时，事情并非如此。

Today, however, the 13 states where people live closest together have 121 Democratic House members and 73 Republican ones, 而现如今，人口最密集的13个洲有121名民主党议员和73名共和党议员，

whereas the rest have 163 Republicans and just 72 Democrats⁴. 而其余的洲则有163名共和党议员和区区72名民主党议员。

America has one party built on territory and another built on people. 美国有一个政党是建立在领土基础上的，而另一个是建立在人民基础上的。

The bias⁵ is deepening. 偏向性越来越深。

Every president who took office in the 20th century did so having won the popular vote. 20世纪继任的总统都是这样赢得普选的。

In two of the five elections for 21st century presidents, the minority won the electoral college. 21世纪的5次总统选举中，2次都是少数派赢得了选举团。

By having elected politicians appoint federal judges, 由于联邦法官亦由被选举上的政客任命，

the American system embeds⁶ this rural bias in the courts as well. 美国制度也把农村倾向嵌入了法庭。

If Brett Kavanaugh, whom President Donald Trump⁷ nominated this week, joins the Supreme⁸ Court, 若唐纳德·特朗普总统本周提名的布雷特·卡瓦诺加入最高法院，

a conservative court established by a president and Senate who were elected with less than half the two-party vote may end up litigating the fairness of the voting system. 那么将出现这样一个保守派法院，建立它的总统和参议院在两党投票中均未过半数，最终可能会引起针对投票系统公正性的诉讼。

This bias is a dangerous new twist in the tribalism and political dysfunction that is poisoning politics in Washington. 部落主义和政治失调正在危害美国政治，而这种偏向性则是一种危险的意想不到的新进展。

Americans often say such partisanship⁹ is bad for their country 美国人经常说这种党派偏向性对美国百害无利

(and that the other lot should mend their ways). （并且声称另一派应该自我改正）。

The Founding Fathers would have agreed. 开国元勋也会同意。

George Washington warned that "the alternate domination of one faction¹⁰ over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge…is itself a frightful¹¹ despotism". 乔治·华盛顿警告说“党派间的交替统治，经由复仇精神加剧……这本身就是一种可怕的独裁”。

As a component¹² of partisanship, the built-in bias is obviously bad for Democrats. 内在偏向性作为党派的一部分，对民主党不利。

But in the long run it is bad for America as a whole, including Republicans. 而从长远来看，内在偏向性不利于共和党在内的美国整体。

When lawmaking is paralysed, important work, such as immigration and entitlement reform, is too hard. 立法陷入瘫痪时，移民和福利改革等重要工作就难上加难。

The few big laws that are approved, like Barack Obama's health-care reform or Mr Trump's corporate¹³ tax cuts, pass on party-line votes. 少数通过的重大法律，例如奥巴马的医保改革、或特朗普的减税法案，是由于沿续党派立场，在投票中获得通过的。

That emboldens¹⁴ the opposition¹⁵ to reverse or neuter them when they take power. 这让反对党有胆量在掌权后推翻或废止这些法律。

Meanwhile, the task of resolving the most divisive political issues often falls to the courts. 与此同时，解决争议最大的政治问题的任务就交给了法庭。

The battle over Mr Kavanaugh's confirmation¹⁶ will be a proxy¹⁷ war over issues, like abortion¹⁸ and health insurance, better suited to the legislature. 卡瓦诺当选的斗争，将是一场基于堕胎和医保等问题的傀儡战争，这些问题更适合立法机关去解决。

 

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