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Tax reform in India
The truck stops here
A fix for India's indirect-tax system is overdue1 but it may fall short of the ideal
TRADE negotiators were dismayed when in July India scuppered a chance to make modest progress on a global trade deal. Perhaps they hoped for too much. For years India has failed to sign a free-trade agreement even with itself. A recent report from the World Bank said bureaucracy related to tax-collection at state borders is a big reason why India's long-distance truckers are parked 60% of the time. A proposal to address this by rationalising the myriad2 state and central-government levies3 into a harmonised goods-and-service tax, or GST, has been around since at least 2007. But grubby politics has put paid to the idea—until now.
The resounding4 win by the Bharatiya Janata Party in India's elections in May has altered the political landscape. The GST is likely to be the centrepiece of the new government's agenda for parliament when it reopens on November 24th. The main opposition5 party has said it will support it. A well-designed GST would make India a true common market, give a lift to manufacturing and limit the scope for corruption—the sort of big-bang reform the new prime minister, Narendra Modi, promises.
The present mess is rooted in the division of fiscal6 power in India's constitution, says Indira Rajaraman, an economist7. To ensure balance the central government was granted the right to tax the production of goods; the states could tax their consumption. The drafters ignored services but as they became more important to the economy, their taxation8 became the preserve of the centre. From the outset India has suffered the problem of “cascades” of tax on tax. The centre slaps an excise9 at the factory gate; the states compound that with a tax at the point of sale.
The problem has become bigger as new levies have proliferated10. The centre imposes a tax on goods that are sold across state borders. States collect taxes on entertainment and betting. There are separate levies on transport, electricity and cars. Rates vary from state to state, adding to the complexity11. This creates a big burden on businesses that sell across borders. It is in part why India's manufacturing has a small share of GDP compared with other emerging markets, says Vijay Kelkar, a former chairman of the finance commission, which mediates12 between the centre and states on tax issues.
How should the mess be cleared up? An ideal tax system would have three elements: it should be progressive, with the better-off shouldering more of the burden; it should not influence choices over what to produce or consume; and it should be simple. Mr Kelkar's commission sketched13 out a GST that conforms to these principles. It would be levied14 at a uniform rate on all sales, including of property and financial services, with exceptions only for unprocessed food, schooling15, health care and some public services. A sin-tax surcharge to the main GST rate would apply to petrol, tobacco and alcohol. With a broad tax base the GST rate could be as low as 12%—5% for the centre and 7% for the states. The properties of a value-added tax would apply so that taxes on inputs16 could be claimed back.
The government must secure the agreement of India's 29 states to the reform. If there is to be a common rate, the states must give up their much-prized power over taxes. Many fret17 about the possibility of lost income. Indirect taxes are 45% of the centre's tax-take but 80% of state revenue, says Morgan Stanley, a bank. There are already worrying signs that, to placate18 the states, the GST in its final form will deviate19 from the ideal. The exclusion20 of land sales would raise the rate by 2-3 percentage points, reckons Satya Poddar of EY, a consultancy. Alcohol may also be out and petrol may be given a special status. But the more exemptions21 there are, the more the GST will resemble what it is supposed to replace. At issue is whether, as Mr Poddar puts it, the GST will be a game-changer or merely a name-changer?
1 overdue | |
adj.过期的,到期未付的;早该有的,迟到的 | |
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2 myriad | |
adj.无数的;n.无数,极大数量 | |
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3 levies | |
(部队)征兵( levy的名词复数 ); 募捐; 被征募的军队 | |
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4 resounding | |
adj. 响亮的 | |
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5 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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6 fiscal | |
adj.财政的,会计的,国库的,国库岁入的 | |
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7 economist | |
n.经济学家,经济专家,节俭的人 | |
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8 taxation | |
n.征税,税收,税金 | |
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9 excise | |
n.(国产)货物税;vt.切除,删去 | |
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10 proliferated | |
激增( proliferate的过去式和过去分词 ); (迅速)繁殖; 增生; 扩散 | |
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11 complexity | |
n.复杂(性),复杂的事物 | |
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12 mediates | |
调停,调解,斡旋( mediate的第三人称单数 ); 居间促成; 影响…的发生; 使…可能发生 | |
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13 sketched | |
v.草拟(sketch的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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14 levied | |
征(兵)( levy的过去式和过去分词 ); 索取; 发动(战争); 征税 | |
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15 schooling | |
n.教育;正规学校教育 | |
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16 inputs | |
n.输入( input的名词复数 );投入;输入端;输入的数据v.把…输入电脑( input的第三人称单数 ) | |
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17 fret | |
v.(使)烦恼;(使)焦急;(使)腐蚀,(使)磨损 | |
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18 placate | |
v.抚慰,平息(愤怒) | |
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19 deviate | |
v.(from)背离,偏离 | |
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20 exclusion | |
n.拒绝,排除,排斥,远足,远途旅行 | |
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21 exemptions | |
n.(义务等的)免除( exemption的名词复数 );免(税);(收入中的)免税额 | |
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