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Hillary Clinton's bad book
Her stodgy1 memoir2 is best understood as a briefing book for surrogates and “influencers”
HILLARY CLINTON is a big fan of briefing books.
As Barack Obama's envoy3 to the world she devoured4 great, thick binders5 on every subject imaginable,
she writes in “Hard Choices”, a new memoir published on June 10th.
As she worked tirelessly to prepare for summits and official trips to 112 countries, she admired the expertise7 of her diplomats9.
Only one thing bothered her.
A few months into the job she asked the State Department to be more creative with graphics10,
after envying the flashier briefings carried by Pentagon brass11. Soon, she beams: “there were plenty of coloured maps and charts to go around.”
Mrs Clinton's 600-page doorstopper is full of this stuff: micro-revelations which are earnest, dull and self-serving, all at the same time.
“Hard Choices” is a frustrating12 read. The memoir has the cautious, polished, poll-tested feel of a campaign speech.
A million copies have been printed. A multi-city speaking tour has begun.
A first-day book-signing in Manhattan drew lines around the block and hundreds of reporters.
A large campaign-style bus idled outside.
It was sent by “Ready for Hillary”, a ginger13 group that wants the former secretary of state,
first lady, senator and presidential contender to run again for the White House in 2016.
A press strategy was even crafted to handle a single chapter of the book,
addressing the low point of Mrs Clinton's time as secretary: the 2012 killings14 of four Americans by militants15 in the Libyan city of Benghazi,
including America's ambassador. The chapter was leaked early and Democratic officials and “surrogates”
(campaign jargon16 for folk who can speak for a candidate) briefed on Benghazi talking-points by a former Obama spokesman,
Tommy Vietor, and Mrs Clinton's press guru Philippe Reines.
Still Mrs Clinton says she has not yet decided17 whether to run.
She did not write the book for followers18 of Washington's political soap opera, she says severely19.
Rather, it is for Americans keen to learn more about diplomacy20 in the Obama era,
and the exercise of American power in the 21st century, she insists.
Such pieties21 are not wholly convincing. For starters, much of the book smells of raw politics, rather than diplomatic history.
Mrs Clinton stepped down as chief diplomat8 in 2013 with high public approval ratings
(in part because her job lofted22 her above the partisan23 mire6 for four years), but a list of vulnerabilities too.
“Hard Choices” doggedly24 works its way down that list.
In the Benghazi chapter Mrs Clinton accuses conservative critics of mounting a “political slugfest on the backs of dead Americans”.
She has a point. But in turn she constructs a political straw man,
accusing critics of suggesting that diplomats stage an un-American “retreat” from the world.
She leaves unanswered the more relevant question of whether the West's intervention25 in Libya, which she championed, left the country better off.
After Ukraine lost Crimea to Russia, many Republicans accused Barack Obama and Mrs Clinton of having emboldened26 Russia with their 2009 bid to “reset” relations.
Mrs Clinton retorts that Russia rolled into Georgia when George W. Bush was still in office, calls the “reset” a worthy27 attempt to work on areas of agreement while setting tough issues to one side, and blames its failure on Vladimir Putin,
one of the world's “hard men”.
Strikingly, other chapters involve veiled swipes at Mr Obama and his team.
Mrs Clinton revisits painful disputes from the 2008 Democratic primary,
when she felt subjected to sexist attack by Obama allies.
She confirms a much-reported dispute from 2012, when she
(in alliance with the then CIA chief, David Petraeus, and the then defence secretary, Leon Panetta)
wanted to train and arm non-extremist Syrian rebels.
Mr Obama decided the risks outweighed28 possible gains—a scepticism shared by White House aides.
In the book she links this to a remarkably29 reductive account of Mr Obama's 2008 victory,
writing: “After all, the President had been elected in large part because of his opposition30 to the war in Iraq and his promise to bring the troops home.”
Hawkishly31, Mrs Clinton questions Mr Obama's decision to announce a fixed32 exit date for American troops in Afghanistan.
She suggests that callow young Obama aides were wrong to urge a swift end to Hosni Mubarak's rule in Egypt.
Finally, she addresses those who say she accomplished33 little.
This is a popular attack: a recent conservative video shows young Hillary fans struggling to name her greatest accomplishment34.
She retorts with a long list of mid-sized successes, from democracy promotion35 in Burma to a 2012 ceasefire in Gaza,
or projects to advance women's rights.
If some chapters are too nakedly political for a work of foreign-policy analysis, then others are too worthy for many general readers.
At times it feels as if none of those 112 countries is going to be missed out.
Mrs Clinton offers accounts of African trade flows, a coup36 in Honduras, climate talks in Denmark,
the fine work that Barbados has done with solar water heaters and her opinion of Canada
(“our northern neighbour is an indispensable partner”). Those hoping for gossip will be disappointed.
Few insiderish nuggets leaven37 the mix—though Mrs Clinton does explain why the secret service dislikes VIPs visiting Buddhist38 temples
(they feel unready for emergencies without their shoes).
To solve the mystery of what “Hard Choices” is for, think back to those Democratic surrogates being schooled on Benghazi talking-points.
This is a briefing book for surrogates, and—beyond them—for the legions of “influencers” so prized by modern political campaigns:
the amateur opinion-formers whose friends, colleagues and relatives listen to their political views, or follow them online.
Understood as a briefing book, the memoir's oddities make more sense.
It exists to offer talking points to each possible element of a future Clinton coalition—
from folk worried about climate change to women who voted for Mitt39 Romney, who could imagine voting for Hillary,
but whose husbands are obsessed40 with Benghazi. It never needed to be a good read.
1 stodgy | |
adj.易饱的;笨重的;滞涩的;古板的 | |
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2 memoir | |
n.[pl.]回忆录,自传;记事录 | |
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3 envoy | |
n.使节,使者,代表,公使 | |
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4 devoured | |
吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 ); 耗尽; 津津有味地看; 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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5 binders | |
n.(司机行话)刹车器;(书籍的)装订机( binder的名词复数 );(购买不动产时包括预付订金在内的)保证书;割捆机;活页封面 | |
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6 mire | |
n.泥沼,泥泞;v.使...陷于泥泞,使...陷入困境 | |
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7 expertise | |
n.专门知识(或技能等),专长 | |
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8 diplomat | |
n.外交官,外交家;能交际的人,圆滑的人 | |
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9 diplomats | |
n.外交官( diplomat的名词复数 );有手腕的人,善于交际的人 | |
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10 graphics | |
n.制图法,制图学;图形显示 | |
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11 brass | |
n.黄铜;黄铜器,铜管乐器 | |
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12 frustrating | |
adj.产生挫折的,使人沮丧的,令人泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的现在分词 );挫败;使受挫折;令人沮丧 | |
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13 ginger | |
n.姜,精力,淡赤黄色;adj.淡赤黄色的;vt.使活泼,使有生气 | |
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14 killings | |
谋杀( killing的名词复数 ); 突然发大财,暴发 | |
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15 militants | |
激进分子,好斗分子( militant的名词复数 ) | |
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16 jargon | |
n.术语,行话 | |
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17 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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18 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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19 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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20 diplomacy | |
n.外交;外交手腕,交际手腕 | |
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21 pieties | |
虔诚,虔敬( piety的名词复数 ) | |
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22 lofted | |
击、踢、掷高弧球( loft的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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23 partisan | |
adj.党派性的;游击队的;n.游击队员;党徒 | |
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24 doggedly | |
adv.顽强地,固执地 | |
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25 intervention | |
n.介入,干涉,干预 | |
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26 emboldened | |
v.鼓励,使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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27 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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28 outweighed | |
v.在重量上超过( outweigh的过去式和过去分词 );在重要性或价值方面超过 | |
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29 remarkably | |
ad.不同寻常地,相当地 | |
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30 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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31 hawkishly | |
鹰派的,强硬派的 | |
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32 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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33 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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34 accomplishment | |
n.完成,成就,(pl.)造诣,技能 | |
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35 promotion | |
n.提升,晋级;促销,宣传 | |
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36 coup | |
n.政变;突然而成功的行动 | |
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37 leaven | |
v.使发酵;n.酵母;影响 | |
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38 Buddhist | |
adj./n.佛教的,佛教徒 | |
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39 mitt | |
n.棒球手套,拳击手套,无指手套;vt.铐住,握手 | |
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40 obsessed | |
adj.心神不宁的,鬼迷心窍的,沉迷的 | |
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