2018年经济学人 新版脱欧计划使英国政治陷入混乱(3)

（单词翻译）

 

Where does this leave Britain?

那么英国到底应何去何从？

Do not look to Brexiteers for answers.

恐怕脱欧派也无法回答。

Although they complain that the people have been betrayed,

脱欧派尽管抱怨自己遭到背叛，

they have still not explained how Britain could cut all ties with the EU while preserving trade links to what is by far Britain's largest market.

但是他们也无法解释英国如何在与欧盟断绝一切往来后，仍能与其保持贸易联系，毕竟显而易见，欧盟是英国最大的贸易市场。

Mr Johnson did not even mention Ireland in his resignation letter this week.

约翰逊先生在其本周写的辞职信中甚至从未提及爱尔兰。

It is as if Brexiteers have spent so many years in opposition¹ attacking the EU that they are flummoxed by the idea of coming up with a workable plan.

这就好像脱欧派长期支持脱欧，但需要提出可行计划的时候却又慌乱失措。

While Mrs May at last faces up to the painful trade-offs that Brexit always required,

至少特蕾莎·梅还在面对脱欧派一直作难的权衡，

those who condemned² her this week prefer to indulge their fantasies.

而本周谴责她的人却活在幻想中。

The EU could help—and has reason to.

欧盟可以提供帮助——而且有理由这样做。

It is reluctant to give Britain a bespoke³ deal,

欧盟不愿给英国定制协议，

for fear that its other restless members will angle for special treatment, too.

因为担心其他成员国也想要特殊优待。

This is why Eurocrats solemnly vow⁴ that nothing must undermine the single market.

因此，欧共体成员严肃宣称，任何事情都不能破坏欧盟单一市场。

But if the Brexit negotiations⁵ fail, and Britain crashes out without any deal at all,

但如果脱欧谈判失败，英国在没有任何协议的情况下就失败了，

it would cause grave damage across Europe and beyond.

那么就会给欧洲乃至全世界造成严重损害。

And in some areas the EU has an incentive⁶ to offer concessions⁷.

因此，在某些领域欧盟还是会考虑让步。

The most glaring is security, where its hardline position is self-defeating.

最引人注目的是安全问题，但其强硬立场却往往适得其反。

Britain is one of Europe's two big military and intelligence powers.

英国是欧洲两个军事和情报大国之一。

Limiting its role in projects such as the Galileo geolocation system,

欧盟限制英国在项目中的发言权，如“伽利略定位系统”项目，

at a time when America is wavering on its NATO commitments and Russia is stirring up trouble, endangers all Europeans.

而此时美国在对北约的承诺上摇摆不定，俄罗斯制造的问题不断涌现，这种限制对整个欧洲都是不利的。

Bending rules such as freedom of movement is harder.

改变诸如劳动力自由移动的规则更难。

But the EU can help give Mrs May the cover she needs to sell the deal at home.

但是欧盟可以帮助特蕾莎·梅安定英国国内事宜。

If she wants to replace free movement with a "mobility⁸ framework" that does much the same thing, let her.

如果特蕾莎·梅想用“移动框架”这样的字眼代替自由移动，而实际事情却是一样的，那就随她去吧。

If she wants market alignment⁹ on goods but not on services, so what?

如果她想要商品市场而非服务市场，那又如何？

And if Mrs May cannot win a Brexit vote?

如果特蕾莎·梅不能赢得脱欧公投呢？

Then the EU should be prepared to grant Britain more time, to avoid it crashing out without a deal.

那么欧盟应该考虑多给英国些时间，以防英国没有协议全盘皆输。

To break the parliamentary impasse¹⁰, Mrs May might have to go back to the people,

为打破议会僵局，特蕾莎·梅应征求民众意见，

either with yet another election or even a second referendum,

要么举行新一轮选举，要么举行第二轮公投，

setting out a concrete plan for Brexit rather than the vague, incompatible¹¹ promises put before voters the last time round.

制订一个具体的计划，而不是上次公投时对选民们做出的模棱两可、自相矛盾的承诺。

That Britain has at last set a course for a soft Brexit is welcome.

总而言之，英国为温和脱欧制定了计划，这一点很受欢迎。

Getting there will be a very rough crossing indeed.

而实现这个计划确实阻碍重重。