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RACHEL MARTIN, HOST:
Last summer, California became the largest state to abolish cash bail1. At the time, Governor Jerry Brown declared that rich and poor alike will be treated fairly. He has long argued the bail system favors the wealthy and punishes the poor. It turns out, though, the story's more complicated. Many of those who pushed hardest for bail reform now say the new system may be making the problem worse. NPR's Eric Westervelt reports.
ERIC WESTERVELT, BYLINE2: In the downtown San Francisco Public Defender3's Office, you might think attorney Chesa Boudin would be excited about the recently signed California Senate bill, or SB 10, which abolishes money bail in America's most populous4 state. After all, Boudin and fellow public service lawyers have long called money bail an unconstitutional pillar of a biased5 system. The size of your bank account often determines who gets out of pretrial custody6, and the poor and people of color often end up on the losing end. But this deputy public defender is not in a celebratory mood.
CHESA BOUDIN: I was disappointed, and I felt betrayed. The new SB 10 doesn't actually change the racist7 system of mass incarceration8. It just expands it.
WESTERVELT: The new law was in response to a state court decision declaring that the cash bail system unconstitutionally denied people due process. Now under the new law, which takes effect next year, instead of setting bail, a judge will use a computer program as part of his or her determination whether a suspect is a low, medium or high risk for flight or to public safety. Boudin believes this will dramatically expand the number of people who will be detained pretrial. He points to one section in particular - deep in the bill, section 1320.18A subsection 5. That section's so broadly worded, Boudin argues, it could encompass9 anyone for any offense10. That, he says, will tilt11 the power ever more into the hands of prosecutors12, police and judges.
BOUDIN: Under SB 10 now, prosecutors can seek detention13 for virtually any crime, regardless of whether it's violent or involves weapons or whether the person accused has a prior history. Under this law, prosecutors have the discretion14 to seek pre-emptive detention of a person with no criminal record charged with a low-level misdemeanor.
WESTERVELT: And then there's its impact on plea deals. Currently across the U.S., more than 90 percent of criminal cases are settled in a plea deal that could include dismissal or a diversion program, not a trial. John Raphling with Human Rights Watch says he's deeply concerned this bill simply replaces one coercive tactic15 for another - bail for pretrial detention - that is, he says, to use detention to pressure people of color and the poor to plead guilty to lesser17 crimes, often regardless of their actual guilt16.
JOHN RAPHLING: This is pervasive18 in the criminal justice system. This happens every single day. The new bail reform law in California does not address that problem. Now you're just giving them a whole other mechanism19 to keep people in.
WESTERVELT: The ACLU and more than a dozen other legal groups have raised similar concerns. The bill also mandates20 the use of pretrial assessment21 tools. Essentially22, it's a computer program that aims to measure risk after putting in arrest and conviction history and other data. That algorithm gives the bill a veneer23 of objective science, attorney Raphling says, but in fact becomes a kind of feedback loop merely reflecting social biases24.
RAPHLING: It's a pretty well-documented fact that police stop, search, detain, arrest black people more than white people, poor people more than wealthy people and that the courts treat people of color and treat poor people worse are the very factors that these risk assessment tools are looking at to judge who's higher risk.
WESTERVELT: And it's not yet clear just what data would actually go into the algorithm. The bill doesn't say. Cherise Fanno Burdeen, CEO of the nonprofit Pretrial Justice Institute, admits the new law is far from perfect, but she says some of these concerns are a bit alarmist. Fanno Burdeen notes that discretion to detain or release pretrial has always resided with judges. This new law, she thinks, will simply help judges get it right more consistently.
CHERISE FANNO BURDEEN: All that the new system will do is help courts make better decisions. It should also result in the right people being identified as a threat to public safety, and it should result in fewer people being needlessly incarcerated25 pending26 trial.
WESTERVELT: Meantime, the bail industry, which will be put out of business under the new law, hopes to overturn it at the ballot27 box. An industry coalition28 is currently collecting signatures to try for a statewide ballot initiative. That may put bail bondsmen in an awkward de facto alliance with scores of progressive legal groups who say they'll be ready to challenge the law's constitutionality in court as soon as it takes effect next year.
Eric Westervelt, NPR News, San Francisco.
1 bail | |
v.舀(水),保释;n.保证金,保释,保释人 | |
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2 byline | |
n.署名;v.署名 | |
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3 defender | |
n.保卫者,拥护者,辩护人 | |
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4 populous | |
adj.人口稠密的,人口众多的 | |
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5 biased | |
a.有偏见的 | |
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6 custody | |
n.监护,照看,羁押,拘留 | |
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7 racist | |
n.种族主义者,种族主义分子 | |
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8 incarceration | |
n.监禁,禁闭;钳闭 | |
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9 encompass | |
vt.围绕,包围;包含,包括;完成 | |
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10 offense | |
n.犯规,违法行为;冒犯,得罪 | |
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11 tilt | |
v.(使)倾侧;(使)倾斜;n.倾侧;倾斜 | |
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12 prosecutors | |
检举人( prosecutor的名词复数 ); 告发人; 起诉人; 公诉人 | |
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13 detention | |
n.滞留,停留;拘留,扣留;(教育)留下 | |
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14 discretion | |
n.谨慎;随意处理 | |
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15 tactic | |
n.战略,策略;adj.战术的,有策略的 | |
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16 guilt | |
n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
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17 lesser | |
adj.次要的,较小的;adv.较小地,较少地 | |
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18 pervasive | |
adj.普遍的;遍布的,(到处)弥漫的;渗透性的 | |
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19 mechanism | |
n.机械装置;机构,结构 | |
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20 mandates | |
托管(mandate的第三人称单数形式) | |
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21 assessment | |
n.评价;评估;对财产的估价,被估定的金额 | |
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22 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
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23 veneer | |
n.(墙上的)饰面,虚饰 | |
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24 biases | |
偏见( bias的名词复数 ); 偏爱; 特殊能力; 斜纹 | |
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25 incarcerated | |
钳闭的 | |
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26 pending | |
prep.直到,等待…期间;adj.待定的;迫近的 | |
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27 ballot | |
n.(不记名)投票,投票总数,投票权;vi.投票 | |
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28 coalition | |
n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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