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Egyptian-born columnist1, Mona Eltahawy, writes about Middle Eastern political affairs for a number of international newspapers
Today, we continue looking at the question of whether new media - Facebook, blogging, tweeting - can bring democracy to the Middle East. We've heard from those who are critical of U.S. attempts to train Arab youth to be political activists2. They argue that new media function merely as outlets3 for venting4 opinions but have had no significant impact on authoritative5 regimes, particularly those which are supported by the U.S. and other Western countries. Mona Eltahawy is an Egyptian-born columnist who writes about Middle Eastern political affairs for a number of international newspapers:
Eltahawy: "I find social media to be one of the few tools in the Middle East that keep me optimistic about the region. Social media have given the most marginalized groups in the region a voice. And those most marginalized groups are women and minorities of various kinds - religious minorities, ethnic6 minorities, sexual minorities, you name it. They have always been marginalized from the various levels of discourse7, and you rarely find them in mainstream8 media.
So they finally have a place now to express themselves, and it's not just for 'stress relief,' because there are many examples I could give you from the region of how social media, for example, have helped convict police officers of torture; of how social media were used to organize the victims of police torture within Egypt; of how social media were used to help a hunger strike in Saudi Arabia in support of political dissidents; of how social media - again in Egypt - were used to raise awareness9 about sexual harassment10 against women in public, to the extent that the Egyptian Parliament is discussing a draft law that would both define and criminalize sexual harassment; and, in a country like Morocco, social media have been used to expose police corruption11.
So in all those cases, social media are much more than just about stress relief and venting. They are about people who have been marginalized and finally have the chance to say quite loudly and publically, 'Enough' and 'This is how I feel.' And I think the people who criticize social media for just being vents12 for stress relief are asking the wrong question."
Hilleary: "What should they be asking, then?"
Eltahawy: "The question isn't, 'How many regimes have social media overthrown,' because the obvious answer is 'None.' The question should be, what kinds of changes are social media engendering13 in the region? How are social media enabling those most marginalized groups in the Middle East to mature and go into the realization14 that their opinions count and that they have the ability to bring about change in a region that is largely run by dictators? That alone is worth the price."
'Inconsistencies in U.S. foreign policy'
Hilleary: "How do you respond to those people who argue that because of what they call 'inconsistencies' in U.S. foreign policy, the U.S. is in no position to promote democracy?"
Eltahawy: "Well, that's a contradiction in that many people in the Arab world, for example, recognize clearly that various U.S. administrations have supported dictators in the region. My country of birth Egypt, for example, has had the same president for 29 years, and President Hosni Mubarak has been supported by various U.S. administrations.
But the thing to do in this case is to encourage the U.S. Administration to encourage, in turn, its ally, President Hosni Mubarak, to open up politically, because as we saw in 2005, sometimes when there's pressure internally in Egypt and externally from its allies - mainly the United States - some small opening, albeit15 small, happened. And we saw that in the change to the Egyptian constitution that allowed multiple presidential candidates.
But it wasn't enough of a change because it still makes it almost impossible for an independent candidate to run. So yes, I recognize that contradiction of an ally or a dictator then turning around and saying, 'We support democratic efforts.' But this isn't what social media are about. I think we need to separate the two issues."
We need to say to the U.S. Administration, 'Your support of dictators makes you incredibly unpopular and makes it very difficult for the people of those dictators[hips] to bring about change.' That's Issue One.
But Issue Two, independently, is social media are an incredibly effective tool that help marginalized people in the region, and I don't think we need to connect the two. I think that we need to encourage both of those issues to help create a greater opening in the Middle East that will help those marginalized groups have a say."
Consequences
Hilleary: "I've read arguments that say the United States government and certainly NGOs have certain ethical16 responsibilities, knowing that there are consequences - and we've seen those in many countries. We've seen it lead to arrests, torture."
Eltahawy: "There are absolute consequences, often very dire17. I mean, Egypt convicted and imprisoned18 a blogger three and a half years ago on charges of insulting Islam and insulting the President, and he was given four years [prison sentence]. And we're not really sure what's going to happen to this young man when he's released at the end of his sentence towards the end of this year.
Bloggers in various countries across the region have been intimidated19, have been beaten up, have been arrested, have been imprisoned without charge. We have a Bedouin blogger from Sinai, Egypt, who was just released a few weeks ago after spending at least two years in Administrative20 detention21 that was allowed by the emergency law in effect in Egypt for 29 years now.
So blogging is not a light thing, by no means whatsoever22. But I think what we need to do is we need to hear the voices of those groups that want to continue blogging and ask them, 'How best can we support you?' Because they don't want to be patronized. They don't want to be told, 'This is really dangerous, you know, we don't know if we should support you and put your life in danger.' They want the freedom to express themselves.
There are various NGOs and human rights activists in the region who know very well the environment and know very well how to help these young people. For example, they give workshops on how to use proxies23 to avoid firewalls and how to kind of keep your footsteps online anonymous24. We can reach out to those groups and ask them, 'How best can we help you help the bloggers and the social media activists?'"
1 columnist | |
n.专栏作家 | |
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2 activists | |
n.(政治活动的)积极分子,活动家( activist的名词复数 ) | |
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3 outlets | |
n.出口( outlet的名词复数 );经销店;插座;廉价经销店 | |
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4 venting | |
消除; 泄去; 排去; 通风 | |
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5 authoritative | |
adj.有权威的,可相信的;命令式的;官方的 | |
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6 ethnic | |
adj.人种的,种族的,异教徒的 | |
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7 discourse | |
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
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8 mainstream | |
n.(思想或行为的)主流;adj.主流的 | |
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9 awareness | |
n.意识,觉悟,懂事,明智 | |
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10 harassment | |
n.骚扰,扰乱,烦恼,烦乱 | |
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11 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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12 vents | |
(气体、液体等进出的)孔、口( vent的名词复数 ); (鸟、鱼、爬行动物或小哺乳动物的)肛门; 大衣等的)衩口; 开衩 | |
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13 engendering | |
v.产生(某形势或状况),造成,引起( engender的现在分词 ) | |
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14 realization | |
n.实现;认识到,深刻了解 | |
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15 albeit | |
conj.即使;纵使;虽然 | |
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16 ethical | |
adj.伦理的,道德的,合乎道德的 | |
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17 dire | |
adj.可怕的,悲惨的,阴惨的,极端的 | |
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18 imprisoned | |
下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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19 intimidated | |
v.恐吓;威胁adj.害怕的;受到威胁的 | |
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20 administrative | |
adj.行政的,管理的 | |
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21 detention | |
n.滞留,停留;拘留,扣留;(教育)留下 | |
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22 whatsoever | |
adv.(用于否定句中以加强语气)任何;pron.无论什么 | |
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23 proxies | |
n.代表权( proxy的名词复数 );(测算用的)代替物;(对代理人的)委托书;(英国国教教区献给主教等的)巡游费 | |
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24 anonymous | |
adj.无名的;匿名的;无特色的 | |
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