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(单词翻译)
President Bush Addresses United Nations General Assembly
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. Secretary General, distinguished1 delegates, ladies and gentlemen: I'm pleased to be here to address the General Assembly.
Sixty-three years ago, representatives from around the world gathered in San Francisco to complete the founding of the Charter of the United Nations. They met in the shadow of a devastating2 war, with grave new dangers on the horizon. They agreed on a historic pledge: "to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, and unite their strength to maintain international peace and security."
This noble pledge has endured trying hours in the United Nations' history, and it still guides our work today. Yet the ideals of the Charter are now facing a challenge as serious as any since the U.N.'s founding -- a global movement of violent extremists. By deliberately3 murdering the innocent to advance their aims, these extremists defy the fundamental principles of international order. They show contempt for all who respect life and value human dignity. They reject the words of the Bible, the Koran, the Torah, or any standard of conscience or morality. They imperil the values of justice and human rights that gave birth to the United Nations -- values that have fueled an unprecedented4 expansion of freedom across the world.
To uphold the words of the Charter in the face of this challenge, every nation in this chamber5 has responsibilities. As sovereign states, we have an obligation to govern responsibly, and solve problems before they spill across borders. We have an obligation to prevent our territory from being used as a sanctuary6 for terrorism and proliferation and human trafficking and organized crime. We have an obligation to respect the rights and respond to the needs of our people.
Multilateral organizations have responsibilities. For eight years, the nations in this assembly have worked together to confront the extremist threat. We witnessed successes and setbacks, and through it all a clear lesson has emerged: The United Nations and other multilateral organizations are needed more urgently than ever. To be successful, we must be focused and resolute7 and effective. Instead of only passing resolutions decrying8 terrorist attacks after they occur, we must cooperate more closely to keep terrorist attacks from happening in the first place. Instead of treating all forms of government as equally tolerable, we must actively9 challenge the conditions of tyranny and despair that allow terror and extremism to thrive. By acting10 together to meet the fundamental challenge of our time, we can lead toward a world that is more secure, and more prosperous, and more hopeful.
In the decades ahead, the United Nations and other multilateral organizations must continually confront terror. This mission requires clarity of vision. We must see the terrorists for what they are: ruthless extremists who exploit the desperate, subvert11 the tenets of a great religion, and seek to impose their will on as many people as possible. Some suggest that these men would pose less of a threat if we'd only leave them alone. Yet their leaders make clear that no concession12 could ever satisfy their ambitions. Bringing the terrorists to justice does not create terrorism -- it's the best way to protect our people.
Multilateral organizations must respond by taking an unequivocal moral stand against terrorism. No cause can justify13 the deliberate taking of innocent human life -- and the international community is nearing universal agreement on this truth. The vast majority of nations in this assembly now agree that tactics like suicide bombing, hostage-taking and hijacking15 are never legitimate16. The Security Council has passed resolutions declaring terror unlawful and requiring all nations to crack down on terrorist financing. And earlier this month, the Secretary General held a conference to highlight victims of terror, where he stated that terrorism can never be justified17.
Other multilateral organizations have spoken clearly, as well. The G8 has declared that all terrorist acts are criminal and must be universally condemned19. And the Secretary General of the Organization of the Islamic Conference recently spoke18 out against a suicide bombing, which he said runs counter to the teachings of Islam. The message behind these statements is resolutely20 clear: Like slavery and piracy21, terrorism has no place in the modern world.
Around the globe, nations are turning these words into action. Members of the United Nations are sharing intelligence with one another, conducting joint22 operations, and freezing terrorist finances. While terrorists continue to carry out attacks like the terrible bombing in Islamabad last week, our joint actions have spared our citizens from many devastating blows.
With the brutal23 nature of the extremists increasingly clear, the coalition24 of nations confronting terror is growing stronger. Over the past seven years, Afghanistan and Iraq have been transformed from regimes that actively sponsor terror to democracies that fight terror. Libya has renounced25 its support for terror and its pursuit of nuclear weapons. Nations like Saudi Arabia and Pakistan are actively pursuing the terrorists. A few nations -- regimes like Syria and Iran -- continue to sponsor terror. Yet their numbers are growing fewer, and they're growing more isolated26 from the world.
As the 21st century unfolds, some may be tempted27 to assume that the threat has receded28. This would be comforting; it would be wrong. The terrorists believe time is on their side, so they made waiting out civilized29 nations part of their strategy. We must not allow them to succeed. The nations of this body must stand united in the fight against terror. We must continue working to deny the terrorists refuge anywhere in the world, including ungoverned spaces. We must remain vigilant30 against proliferation -- by fully31 implementing32 the terms of Security Council Resolution 1540, and enforcing sanctions against North Korea and Iran. We must not relent until our people are safe from this threat to civilization.#p#副标题#e#
To uphold the Charter's promise of peace and security in the 21st century, we must also confront the ideology33 of the terrorists. At its core, the struggle against extremists is a battle of ideas. The terrorists envision a world in which religious freedom is denied, women are oppressed, and all dissent34 is crushed. The nations of this chamber must present a more hopeful alternative -- a vision where people can speak freely, and worship as they choose, and pursue their dreams in liberty.
Advancing the vision of freedom serves our highest ideals, as expressed in the U.N.'s Charter's commitment to "the dignity and worth of the human person." Advancing this vision also serves our security interests. History shows that when citizens have a voice in choosing their own leaders, they are less likely to search for meaning in radical35 ideologies36. And when governments respect the rights of their people, they're more likely to respect the rights of their neighbors.
For all these reasons, the nations of this body must challenge tyranny as vigorously as we challenge terror. Some question whether people in certain parts of the world actually desire freedom. This self-serving condescension37 has been disproved before our eyes. From the voting booths of Afghanistan, Iraq, and Liberia, to the Orange Revolution in Ukraine and the Rose Revolution in Georgia, to the Cedar38 Revolution in Lebanon and the Tulip Revolution in Kyrgyzstan, we have seen people consistently make the courageous39 decision to demand their liberty. For all the suggestions to the contrary, the truth is that whenever or wherever people are given the choice, they choose freedom.
Nations in these chambers40 have supported the efforts of dissidents and reformers and civil society advocates in newly free societies throughout the new United Nations Democracy Fund. And we appreciate those efforts. And as young democracies around the world continue to make brave stands for liberty, multilateral organizations like the United Nations must continue to stand with them.
In Afghanistan, a determined41 people are working to overcome decades of tyranny, and protect their newly-free society. They have strong support from all 26 nations of the NATO Alliance. I appreciate the United Nations' decision this week to renew the mandate42 for the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan. The United Nations is also an active civilian43 presence in Afghanistan, where experts are doing important work helping44 to improve education, facilitate humanitarian45 aid, and protect human rights. We must continue to help the Afghan people defend their young democracy -- so the Taliban does not return to power, and Afghanistan is never again a safe haven46 for terror.
In Iraq, the fight has been difficult, yet daily life has improved dramatically over the past 20 months -- thanks to the courage of the Iraqi people, a determined coalition of nations, and a surge of American troops. The United Nations has provided the mandate for multinational47 forces in Iraq through this December. And the United Nations is carrying out an ambitious strategy to strengthen Iraq's democracy, including helping Iraqis prepare for their next round of free elections. Whatever disagreements our nations have had on Iraq, we should all welcome this progress toward stability and peace -- and we should stand united in helping Iraq's democracy succeed.
We must stand united in our support of other young democracies, from the people of Lebanon struggling to maintain their hard-won independence, to the people of the Palestinian Territories, who deserve a free and peaceful state of their own. We must stand united in our support of the people of Georgia. The United Nations Charter sets forth48 the "equal rights of nations large and small." Russia's invasion of Georgia was a violation49 of those words. Young democracies around the world are watching to see how we respond to this test. The United States has worked with allies in multilateral institutions like the European Union and NATO to uphold Georgia's territorial50 integrity and provide humanitarian relief. And our nations will continue to support Georgia's democracy.
In this chamber are representatives of Georgia and Ukraine and Lebanon and Afghanistan and Liberia and Iraq, and other brave young democracies. We admire your courage. We honor your sacrifices. We thank you for your inspiring example. We will continue to stand with all who stand for freedom. This noble goal is worthy51 of the United Nations, and it should have the support of every member in this assembly.
Extending the reach of political freedom is essential to prevailing52 in the great struggle of our time -- but it is not enough. Many in this chamber have answered the call to help their brothers and sisters in need by working to alleviate53 hopelessness. These efforts to improve the human condition honor the highest ideals of this institution. They also advance our security interests. The extremists find their most fertile recruiting grounds in societies trapped in chaos54 and despair -- places where people see no prospect55 of a better life. In the shadows of hopelessness, radicalism56 thrives. And eventually, that radicalism can boil over into violence and cross borders and take innocent lives across the world.
Overcoming hopelessness requires addressing its causes -- poverty, disease, and ignorance. Challenging these conditions is in the interest of every nation in this chamber. And democracies are particularly well-positioned to carry out this work. Because we have experience responding to the needs of our own people, we're natural partners in helping other nations respond to the needs of theirs. Together, we must commit our resources and efforts to advancing education and health and prosperity.
Over the years, many nations have made well-intentioned efforts to promote these goals. Yet the success of these efforts must be measured by more than intentions -- they must be measured by results. My nation has placed an insistence57 on results at the heart of our foreign assistance programs. We launched a new initiative called the Millennium58 Challenge Account, which directs our help to countries that demonstrate their ability to produce results by governing justly, and fighting corruption59, and pursuing market-based economic policies, as well as investing in their people. Every country and institution that provides foreign assistance, including the United Nations, will be more effective by showing faith in the people of the developing world -- and insisting on performance in return for aid.#p#副标题#e#
Experience also shows that to be effective, we must adopt a model of partnership60, not paternalism. This approach is based on our conviction that people in the developing world have the capacity to improve their own lives -- and will rise to meet high expectations if we set them. America has sought to apply this model in our Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief. Every nation that receives American support through this initiative develops its own plan for fighting HIV/AIDS -- and measures the results. And so far, these results are inspiring: Five years ago, 50,000 people in sub-Sahara Africa were receiving treatment for HIV/AIDS. Today that number is nearly 1.7 million. We're taking a similar approach to fighting malaria61, and so far, we've supported local efforts to protect more than 25 million Africans.
Multilateral organizations have made bold commitments of their own to fight disease. The G8 has pledged to match America's efforts on malaria and HIV/AIDS. Through the Global Fund, many countries are working to fight HIV/AIDS, malaria, and TB. Lives in the developing world depend on these programs, and all who have made pledges to fight disease have an obligation to follow through on their commitments.
One of the most powerful engines of development and prosperity is trade and investment, which create new opportunities for entrepreneurs, and help people rise out of poverty, and reinforce fundamental values like transparency and rule of law. For all these reasons, many in these chambers have conducted free trade agreements at bilateral62 and regional levels. The most effective step of all would be an agreement that tears down trade barriers at the global level. The recent impasse63 in the Doha Round is disappointing, but that does not have to be the final word. I urge every nation to seize this opportunity to lift up economies around the world -- and reach a successful Doha agreement as soon as possible.
Beyond Doha, our nations must renew our commitment to open economies, and stand firm against economic isolationism. These objectives are being tested by turbulence64 in the global financial markets. Our economies are more closely connected than ever before, and I know that many of you here are watching how the United States government will address the problems in our financial system.
In recent weeks, we have taken bold steps to prevent a severe disruption of the American economy, which would have a devastating effect on other economies around the world. We've promoted stability in the markets by preventing the disorderly failure of major companies. The Federal Reserve has injected urgently-needed liquidity65 into the system. And last week, I announced a decisive action by the federal government to address the root cause of much of the instability in our financial markets -- by purchasing illiquid assets that are weighing down balance sheets and restricting the flow of credit. I can assure you that my administration and our Congress are working together to quickly pass legislation approving this strategy. And I'm confident we will act in the urgent time frame required.
The objectives I've laid out for multilateral institutions -- confronting terror, opposing tyranny, and promoting effective development -- are difficult, but they are necessary tasks. To have maximum impact, multilateral institutions must take on challenging missions. And like all of us in this chamber, they must work toward measurable goals, be accountable for their actions, and hold true to their word.
In the 21st century, the world needs a confident and effective United Nations. This unique institution should build on its successes and improve its performance. Where there is inefficiency66 and corruption, it must be corrected. Where there are bloated bureaucracies, they must be streamlined. Where members fail to uphold their obligations, there must be strong action. For example, there should be an immediate67 review of the Human Rights Council, which has routinely protected violators of human rights. There should be a stronger effort to help the people of Burma live free of the repression68 they have suffered for too long. And all nations, especially members of the Security Council, must act decisively to ensure that the government of Sudan upholds its commitment to address the violence in Darfur.
The United Nations is an organization of extraordinary potential. As the United Nations rebuilds its headquarters, it must also open the door to a new age of transparency, accountability, and seriousness of purpose.
With determination and clear purpose, the United Nations can be a powerful force for good as we head into the 21st century. It can affirm the great promise of its founding.
In the final days of the San Francisco Conference, the delegates negotiating the U.N. Charter received a visit from President Harry69 Truman. He acknowledged the enormous challenges they faced, and said success was only possible because of what he called an "unshakable unity14 of determination." Today the world is engaged in another period of great challenge. And by continuing to work together, that unshakable unity of determination will be ours. Together, we confront and defeat the evil of terrorism. Together, we can secure the Almighty's gift of liberty and justice to millions who have not known it. And together, we can build a world that is freer, safer, and better for the generations who follow.
Thank you. (Applause.)
收听单词发音
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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devastating
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| adj.毁灭性的,令人震惊的,强有力的 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地;蓄意地;故意地 | |
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unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的,新奇的 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所 | |
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sanctuary
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| n.圣所,圣堂,寺庙;禁猎区,保护区 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的,果敢的 | |
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decrying
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| v.公开反对,谴责( decry的现在分词 ) | |
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actively
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| adv.积极地,勤奋地 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏,行为,假装;adj.代理的,临时的,演出用的 | |
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subvert
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| v.推翻;暗中破坏;搅乱 | |
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concession
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| n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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unity
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| n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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hijacking
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| n. 劫持, 抢劫 动词hijack的现在分词形式 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的,有理的 | |
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spoke
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| n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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resolutely
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| adj.坚决地,果断地 | |
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piracy
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| n.海盗行为,剽窃,著作权侵害 | |
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joint
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| adj.联合的,共同的;n.关节,接合处;v.连接,贴合 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的,野蛮的,不讲理的 | |
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coalition
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| n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 );宣布放弃;宣布与…决裂;宣布摒弃 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿(某人)干不正当的事;冒…的险(tempt的过去分词) | |
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receded
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| v.逐渐远离( recede的过去式和过去分词 );向后倾斜;自原处后退或避开别人的注视;尤指问题 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的,文雅的 | |
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vigilant
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| adj.警觉的,警戒的,警惕的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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implementing
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| v.实现( implement的现在分词 );执行;贯彻;使生效 | |
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ideology
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| n.意识形态,(政治或社会的)思想意识 | |
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dissent
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| n./v.不同意,持异议 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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ideologies
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| n.思想(体系)( ideology的名词复数 );思想意识;意识形态;观念形态 | |
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condescension
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| n.自以为高人一等,贬低(别人) | |
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cedar
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| n.雪松,香柏(木) | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的,有胆量的 | |
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chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 );(议会的)议院;卧室;会议厅 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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mandate
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| n.托管地;命令,指示 | |
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civilian
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| adj.平民的,民用的,民众的 | |
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helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的,辅助的 | |
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humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者,博爱者,基督凡人论者 | |
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haven
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| n.安全的地方,避难所,庇护所 | |
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multinational
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| adj.多国的,多种国籍的;n.多国籍公司,跨国公司 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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violation
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| n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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territorial
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| adj.领土的,领地的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的;占优势的;主要的 | |
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alleviate
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| v.减轻,缓和,缓解(痛苦等) | |
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chaos
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| n.混乱,无秩序 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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radicalism
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| n. 急进主义, 根本的改革主义 | |
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insistence
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| n.坚持;强调;坚决主张 | |
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millennium
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| n.一千年,千禧年;太平盛世 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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partnership
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| n.合作关系,伙伴关系 | |
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malaria
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| n.疟疾 | |
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bilateral
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| adj.双方的,两边的,两侧的 | |
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impasse
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| n.僵局;死路 | |
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turbulence
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| n.喧嚣,狂暴,骚乱,湍流 | |
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liquidity
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| n.流动性,偿债能力,流动资产 | |
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inefficiency
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| n.无效率,无能;无效率事例 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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repression
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| n.镇压,抑制,抑压 | |
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harry
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| vt.掠夺,蹂躏,使苦恼 | |
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