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Results of sham1 annexation3 votes in 4 occupied regions of Ukraine may be known soon
NPR's A Martinez talks to Thomas de Waal of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace about Russian-organized annexation votes that Ukraine's allies say violate international law.
A MART?NEZ, HOST:
The results of Russia's annexation vote in four occupied regions of Ukraine may soon be announced. The whole process has been labeled a sham by Kyiv and the West. There are reports of people being forced to vote at gunpoint. Now, this is not a new tactic5 for the Kremlin. It followed a similar plan when it annexed6 Crimea in 2014. We're joined now by Thomas de Waal. He's a Russian affairs expert and senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. He is in Vienna this morning. Thomas, this all appears to be the same playbook that Russia used in Crimea. Are there any significant differences that you see?
THOMAS DE WAAL: It's absolutely the same playbook as we saw in Crimea in 2014. The only difference is that I would say this is even worse. Crimea was relatively7 peaceful at that point. The Russians basically took it over without a shot being fired and it had a large Russian population. That doesn't justify8 holding that referendum back there. But this is even more outrageous9. This is four areas of Ukraine which - with a war going on and a referendum, which was just dreamed up literally10 a couple of weeks ago for those places to become part of Russia. And no one is taking it seriously. I mean, eventually the Russians persuaded a few friendly states like, you know, Cuba and Syria to recognize the Crimea referendum back then. But now even relatively friendly states like Kazakhstan are saying that they won't recognize the results of this.
MART?NEZ: So how do we measure, then, it succeeding? Because they've staged these referendums to try and annex2 close to 15% of Ukraine's territory. So, I mean, will it still be considered a success maybe just to Vladimir Putin?
DE WAAL: Well, I think he's - clearly, Vladimir Putin is not expecting that anyone is going to recognize these referendums internationally. So it's clearly aimed at two audiences or maybe three audiences, Ukraine and the Western countries and also the Russian public. I think obviously he had a grave setback12 when he lost momentum13 and lost all that territory they'd captured early in September around the Kharkiv area. And I guess President Putin is trying to regain14 the initiative, both on the military front with the mobilization cool and on the political front by saying we're not going to give up on these territories that we've captured earlier and, indeed, we're going to absorb them into Russia.
MART?NEZ: Is there any way to glean15 that maybe what you just mentioned, him - with troops, the additional troops that he's bringing in and this referendum, that he is somehow in trouble in Russia?
DE WAAL: I think it's fair to say he's in trouble. I think we should temper our expectations. I don't think we should expect, you know, a palace coup11 or the downfall of Mr. Putin soon. But clearly, things are not going to plan, that the plan, you know, was - that this would all be over. It would be a special operation, as he calls it, and not a war. It would be over. They would, you know, decapitate the government in Kyiv and basically have control the whole of Ukraine.
So things are going pretty badly. And I think the dangerous thing now is this mobilization for Mr. Putin. There was a kind of social contract that he's always had, that he's a kind of dictator by consensus16, that the public supports him, but he doesn't touch certain aspects of their life. And I would guess that, you know, some of the opinion pollsters suggest that around half of the population in Russia supports the war but doesn't really want to get involved, as it were. They kind of support it sitting in front of their TV screens.
And what we've now seen with this mobilization is it coming into people's families, relatives being called up who thought that they, you know, they'd done their military service and, you know, done their duty, and now it's coming into their homes. And that's where it does - he begins to lose popularity. That doesn't mean he falls, but it means he's more vulnerable amongst the elite17. And in certain places in Russia, obviously, there is some - beginning to be some active resistance to this.
MART?NEZ: Any insight into how Russia's being viewed in the four occupied areas?
DE WAAL: Very hard to say, obviously, because they're basically under a kind of information blockade. These are all areas which, you know, a lot of people spoke18 Russian. It was their main language at home. A lot of people had relatives in Russia. So not necessarily an anti-Russian place before. But I think the war has changed that. I think, you know, the behavior of the Russian army, the bombardment and so on, has made people in these areas, by all accounts, you know, remember that they're Ukrainians and be grateful to be Ukrainians. So, you know, we shouldn't say that nobody in these areas wants to be part of Russia, but it's surely a strong minority. And this is why we're hearing reports of people, you know, soldiers going house to house, handing people ballot19 papers, you know, basically trying to force some kind of result in a rather grotesque20 manner out of the local population.
MART?NEZ: And one more thing, Thomas, quickly, considering how maybe Russia or Russian citizens are now kind of rebelling against Vladimir Putin in some way and how the rest of the world won't see his annexation as legitimate21, is there any fear of escalation22 to the point where nuclear weapons would be involved? Is that something we legitimately23 need to worry about?
DE WAAL: I think we definitely have to worry about escalation. I couldn't comment on the nuclear issue. That's obviously incredibly dangerous. But something we could watch out for is the Russians attacking Ukrainian critical infrastructure24, you know, trying to deprive whole towns and cities of water and electricity and causing a new refugee flow in the winter. That would be very dangerous indeed.
MART?NEZ: Thomas de Waal is a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Thomas, thanks.
DE WAAL: Thank you.
1 sham | |
n./adj.假冒(的),虚伪(的) | |
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2 annex | |
vt.兼并,吞并;n.附属建筑物 | |
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3 annexation | |
n.吞并,合并 | |
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4 transcript | |
n.抄本,誊本,副本,肄业证书 | |
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5 tactic | |
n.战略,策略;adj.战术的,有策略的 | |
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6 annexed | |
[法] 附加的,附属的 | |
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7 relatively | |
adv.比较...地,相对地 | |
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8 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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9 outrageous | |
adj.无理的,令人不能容忍的 | |
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10 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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11 coup | |
n.政变;突然而成功的行动 | |
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12 setback | |
n.退步,挫折,挫败 | |
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13 momentum | |
n.动力,冲力,势头;动量 | |
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14 regain | |
vt.重新获得,收复,恢复 | |
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15 glean | |
v.收集(消息、资料、情报等) | |
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16 consensus | |
n.(意见等的)一致,一致同意,共识 | |
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17 elite | |
n.精英阶层;实力集团;adj.杰出的,卓越的 | |
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18 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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19 ballot | |
n.(不记名)投票,投票总数,投票权;vi.投票 | |
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20 grotesque | |
adj.怪诞的,丑陋的;n.怪诞的图案,怪人(物) | |
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21 legitimate | |
adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
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22 escalation | |
n.扩大,增加 | |
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23 legitimately | |
ad.合法地;正当地,合理地 | |
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24 infrastructure | |
n.下部构造,下部组织,基础结构,基础设施 | |
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