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Biography traces public support for J. Edgar Hoover in most of his 48 years in power
For nearly half a century, J. Edgar Hoover presided over the FBI with an iron fist.
His career began with a wave of anti-communist raids in 1919. It ended during the presidency2 of his friend Richard Nixon.
The modern public image of Hoover conjures3 an old man in a dark room, listening to wiretaps and marking up secret documents. But a new biography explores how presidents, members of Congress and even a significant percentage of the American people understood much of what Hoover was doing, and approved of it, until almost the end of his life.
Beverly Gage4, a professor of American history at Yale University, spent 13 years writing and researching G-Man: J. Edgar Hoover and the making of the American Century.
Beverly Gage is the author of the J. Edgar Hoover biography G-Man.
"One of the most fascinating subjects that I was able to get into in the book was Hoover's college fraternity, which was this organization called Kappa Alpha [Order]. It had been known that he liked his college fraternity and that he had become president of the college chapter at George Washington University. But what I found ... is that it was this deeply reactionary5 Southern fraternity. It was a segregationist6 Southern fraternity. Thomas Dixon, who wrote the book The Clansman that became the basis for The Birth of a Nation, was one of its most influential7 figures. Lots of Southern Democrats8 around D.C. were part of this racist9 Southern fraternity that Hoover joined. ... And then it was fascinating to watch the ways in which he took a young generation of men who were steeped in this racist, segregationist ideology10 and made them some of the first generation of FBI officials."
"One of the most egregious11 moments of any president kind of asking the FBI to do things that were fundamentally political rather than related to criminal investigation12 or national security was this moment in 1964 where Lyndon Johnson, who was about to get the Democratic nomination13 for the presidency, was very worried that civil rights activists14 were going to disrupt the Democratic National Convention. So he went to his old friend Hoover, and they had been neighbors on 30th Place in Washington, so they knew each other very well. And he went to his old friend Hoover and said, 'Surely you can send some fellows over to keep an eye on things.' And so at the Democratic Convention, they were wiretapping and bugging15 and infiltrating16 civil rights activists who were really simply trying to find a way for Black people to have a say in what was happening in Democratic politics."
"The FBI today uses the King case and the example of what Hoover's bureau did to Martin Luther King as kind of its great cautionary tale. And there's lots that's good about that. But I think it's also important to remember and one of the things that my book really tries to emphasize is that that's kind of easy for us to say ... we think of Hoover as a great villain17 and King as a great saint. And so we have this great morality tale. But if you look back to 1964, '65, really the peak of the FBI's efforts against King, the moment that Hoover comes out and calls King 'the most notorious liar18 in the country.' If you look at what public opinion polls said in that moment, 50% of the public sided with Hoover in that controversy19. Just 16% said that King was on the right side and that a lot of people said they didn't know what to think. So it's easy to make these judgments20 now. It was much more complicated and I think tells a much darker tale about American history, if you look back to the history itself."
The cover of upcoming J. Edgar Hoover biography, G-Man, by Beverly Gage.
"One of the things that happened very quickly, toward the end of Hoover's life and then after his death, was that Congress very rightly jumped in to put a whole new set of constraints21 on the FBI that weren't there during Hoover's lifetime. He had almost no mechanisms22 of accountability. So the congressional committees that now oversee23 intelligence operations, none of that existed. And perhaps most importantly, the FBI director is now limited to a 10-year term, and that is in direct response to this colossal24 career of J. Edgar Hoover's. And I think if we can take one very simple lesson out of that, it's that you probably don't want a single individual in a position with that kind of power for half a century."
1 transcript | |
n.抄本,誊本,副本,肄业证书 | |
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2 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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3 conjures | |
用魔术变出( conjure的第三人称单数 ); 祈求,恳求; 变戏法; (变魔术般地) 使…出现 | |
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4 gage | |
n.标准尺寸,规格;量规,量表 [=gauge] | |
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5 reactionary | |
n.反动者,反动主义者;adj.反动的,反动主义的,反对改革的 | |
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6 segregationist | |
隔离主义者 | |
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7 influential | |
adj.有影响的,有权势的 | |
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8 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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9 racist | |
n.种族主义者,种族主义分子 | |
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10 ideology | |
n.意识形态,(政治或社会的)思想意识 | |
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11 egregious | |
adj.非常的,过分的 | |
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12 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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13 nomination | |
n.提名,任命,提名权 | |
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14 activists | |
n.(政治活动的)积极分子,活动家( activist的名词复数 ) | |
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15 bugging | |
[法] 窃听 | |
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16 infiltrating | |
v.(使)渗透,(指思想)渗入人的心中( infiltrate的现在分词 ) | |
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17 villain | |
n.反派演员,反面人物;恶棍;问题的起因 | |
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18 liar | |
n.说谎的人 | |
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19 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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20 judgments | |
判断( judgment的名词复数 ); 鉴定; 评价; 审判 | |
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21 constraints | |
强制( constraint的名词复数 ); 限制; 约束 | |
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22 mechanisms | |
n.机械( mechanism的名词复数 );机械装置;[生物学] 机制;机械作用 | |
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23 oversee | |
vt.监督,管理 | |
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24 colossal | |
adj.异常的,庞大的 | |
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