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5 takeaways from the final Jan. 6 committee hearing
The congressional committee investigating the deadly Jan. 6 riot at the U.S. Capitol referred former President Donald Trump2 for four criminal charges related to an insurrection that he inspired because he couldn't publicly accept that he'd lost an election.
In the face of it all, that former president already announced he is running again to win back the job.
That's the state of American politics, with a divided populace and millions purposely not paying attention to the evidence presented by the committee, just two weeks ahead of the two-year anniversary of the riot.
We have every confidence that the work of this committee will help provide a roadmap to justice.
Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss.
The Jan. 6 committee is out of time. Republicans are set to take control of the House, and the committee is expected to dissolve. So the legal ball will now be in the Justice Department's court, while the political one rests with the voters.
"Accountability that can only be found in the criminal justice system," committee Chairman Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss., said. "We have every confidence that the work of this committee will help provide a roadmap to justice and that the agencies and institutions responsible for ensuring justice under the law will use the information we've provided to aid in their work."
Here are five takeaways of what we learned from the committee's last hearing on Monday:
1. Trump — and others — will be referred to the Justice Department for criminal charges.
The big news out of the final hearing was that after a lengthy3 investigation4, the members of the committee were convinced there was enough evidence to charge Trump on four things:
Obstruction5 of an official proceeding6;
Conspiracy7 to defraud8 the United States;
Conspiracy to make a false statement; and
Conspiracy to defraud the U.S. by assisting, aiding or comforting those involved in an insurrection
Now, that doesn't mean Trump will be charged. The committee has no power over what the Justice Department does. The Justice Department has its own investigation of Trump that's been ongoing9 and currently run by special counsel Jack10 Smith.
Attorney General Merrick Garland appointed Smith once Trump announced he was running for president again as a way to show independence from the investigation.
"Ours is not a system of justice, where foot soldiers go to jail and the masterminds and ringleaders get a free pass," said committee member Jamie Raskin, D-Md., announcing the referrals.
2. Members of Congress were referred to the House ethics11 committee.
The committee also announced that four members of Congress, who never complied with subpoenas12, were referred to the House Ethics Committee.
They are Republican congressmen:
Kevin McCarthy of California;
Jim Jordan of Ohio;
Scott Perry of Pennsylvania; and
Andy Biggs of Arizona
All are close allies of Trump, and their resistance in the face of the rules has been emblematic13 of the antagonistic14 style of U.S. politics that was growing even before Trump came on the scene.
Whether anything happens to them, though, is unclear since Republicans will control the iteration of the ethics committee in the next Congress and McCarthy is in line to be the next speaker.
3. There's lots of evidence Trump knew the truth, but just didn't want to be seen as a loser.
All of what occurred Jan. 6 likely happened simply because Trump didn't have an exit ramp15, a way to save face after his 2020 election loss.
That's been evident to those of us who've covered Trump for a while, but it was affirmed by Hope Hicks, a former communications adviser16 in the Trump White House, someone who was very close to Trump.
Hicks, whom we heard from for the first time Monday in the course of these hearings, said in taped testimony17 that she told Trump she was becoming concerned that these false claims of fraud were damaging his legacy18.
This was Trump's response:
"He said something along the lines of, 'You know nobody will care about my legacy if I lose,' " Hicks said, " 'So that won't matter, the only thing that matters is winning.' "
There is plenty of evidence Trump — and his team — knew he lost, that the allegations of fraud were baseless and that he knew what he was doing, according to testimony from multiple former Trump administration officials.
"He was—he had—usually he had pretty clear eyes," said Bill Stepien, the Trump 2020 campaign manager, according to written testimony released in a report by the committee. "Like, he understood, you know — you know, we told him where we thought the race was, and I think he was pretty realistic with our viewpoint, in agreement with our viewpoint of kind of the forecast and the uphill climb we thought he had."
Stepien added: "We'd have to, you know, relay the news that, yeah, that tip that someone told you about those votes or that fraud or, you know, nothing came of it. That would be our job as, you know, the truth telling squad19 and, you know, not — not a fun job to be, you know, much — it's an easier job to be telling the president about, you know, wild allegations. It's a harder job to be telling him on the back end that, yeah, that wasn't true."
One of Trump's campaign lawyers, Alex Cannon20, in a mid-to-late November phone call with former Trump Chief of Staff Mark Meadows, said, per the report, that he found nothing "sufficient to change the results in any of the key States."
Meadows responded saying, "So there is no there, there?"
Even Trump counsel Rudy Giuliani admitted during his deposition21 to the committee: "I do not think the machines stole the election."
A federal judge noted22 that Trump was told by email "that the specific numbers of voter fraud were wrong but continued to tout23 those numbers, both in court and in public." And he "signed a verification swearing under oath that the incorporated, inaccurate24 numbers 'are true and correct' or 'believed to be true and correct' to the best of his knowledge and belief."
These aren't people who are aligned25 with Democrats26 or were "Never Trump" or "Trump Haters," as the former president likes to say. In fact, the opposite is true in most of the testimony that's been aired by the committee.
It's up to rank-and-file Trump voters whether they can bring themselves to acknowledge the realities without lapsing27 into baseless conspiracies28.
4. Whether the findings will matter politically is unclear.
It's no secret that the country is divided politically and partisanship29, particularly among Republicans, has become entrenched30. So despite the primary evidence — with testimony from Republicans who were aligned with Trump — people have been watching selectively.
The committee in its report recognized this:
"Although the Committee's hearings were viewed live by tens of millions of Americans and widely publicized in nearly every major news source, the Committee also recognizes that other news outlets31 and commentators32 have actively33 discouraged viewers from watching, and that millions of other Americans have not yet seen the actual evidence addressed by this Report."
So the committee said it's releasing video summaries with each relevant piece of evidence. And it's likely why the beginning of the hearing included so many clips of previously34 seen testimony from past hearings, almost like the recap of a prior season of a series on Netflix.
There is evidence to suggest those who watched were moved. Before the hearings, just 48% of independents in an NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll said they thought Trump was to blame a "great deal" or "good amount" for what happened that day. After several hearings, the July survey found that the percentage blaming Trump spiked35 to 57%.
Republicans were only up marginally — and still fewer than 1-in-5 said Trump was responsible for what happened.
Eighty percent of Democrats and 55% of independents said they were paying "a lot" or "some" attention to the hearings. But 56% of Republicans said they were not.
It's not hard to draw a straight line between the numbers of those paying attention and the movement — or lack thereof — in the survey.
5. The ball is in DOJ's — and the public's — court.
Progressives have been irritated with Garland's methodical (read: slow) pace of pursuing charges against Trump. But it's going to be up to the special counsel whether to bring charges or what they are.
They do not have to act on what the Jan. 6 committee recommends, though investigators36 are paying close attention to the details of its findings. But don't expect to hear much about the special counsel's progress, as the DOJ tends to stay pretty quiet, if not wholly silent, on the details of ongoing investigations37 until they present them in court.
Politically, it's going to be up to voters to choose. Trump will likely retain support with his base. As we noted, Republicans have been the least likely to be paying close attention to these hearings. In a multi-candidate primary, Trump remains38 the front-runner for the GOP nomination39.
But he's in legal trouble in multiple states, not just federally, and many of his preferred candidates — and election deniers — lost in swing states. So whether it's because of the chaos40 that often surrounds him, the threat he presents to U.S. democracy and faith in its elections, or simply because his brand is not a winner in competitive states where Republicans likely need to win to take over the White House and Congress, Trump is at his most vulnerable point since winning the presidency41 six years ago.
And the members of this committee — some of whom won't be returning to Congress because of the wrath42, or potential wrath, of Trump's base — certainly hope voters respond.
"The future of our democracy rests in your hands," Thompson said. "It's up to the people to decide who is deserving of the public trust."
1 transcript | |
n.抄本,誊本,副本,肄业证书 | |
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2 trump | |
n.王牌,法宝;v.打出王牌,吹喇叭 | |
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3 lengthy | |
adj.漫长的,冗长的 | |
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4 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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5 obstruction | |
n.阻塞,堵塞;障碍物 | |
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6 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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7 conspiracy | |
n.阴谋,密谋,共谋 | |
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8 defraud | |
vt.欺骗,欺诈 | |
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9 ongoing | |
adj.进行中的,前进的 | |
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10 jack | |
n.插座,千斤顶,男人;v.抬起,提醒,扛举;n.(Jake)杰克 | |
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11 ethics | |
n.伦理学;伦理观,道德标准 | |
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12 subpoenas | |
n.(传唤出庭的)传票( subpoena的名词复数 )v.(用传票)传唤(某人)( subpoena的第三人称单数 ) | |
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13 emblematic | |
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14 antagonistic | |
adj.敌对的 | |
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15 ramp | |
n.暴怒,斜坡,坡道;vi.作恐吓姿势,暴怒,加速;vt.加速 | |
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16 adviser | |
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17 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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18 legacy | |
n.遗产,遗赠;先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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19 squad | |
n.班,小队,小团体;vt.把…编成班或小组 | |
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20 cannon | |
n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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21 deposition | |
n.免职,罢官;作证;沉淀;沉淀物 | |
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22 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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23 tout | |
v.推销,招徕;兜售;吹捧,劝诱 | |
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24 inaccurate | |
adj.错误的,不正确的,不准确的 | |
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25 aligned | |
adj.对齐的,均衡的 | |
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26 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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27 lapsing | |
v.退步( lapse的现在分词 );陷入;倒退;丧失 | |
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28 conspiracies | |
n.阴谋,密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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29 Partisanship | |
n. 党派性, 党派偏见 | |
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30 entrenched | |
adj.确立的,不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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31 outlets | |
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32 commentators | |
n.评论员( commentator的名词复数 );时事评论员;注释者;实况广播员 | |
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33 actively | |
adv.积极地,勤奋地 | |
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34 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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35 spiked | |
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36 investigators | |
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37 investigations | |
(正式的)调查( investigation的名词复数 ); 侦查; 科学研究; 学术研究 | |
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38 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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39 nomination | |
n.提名,任命,提名权 | |
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40 chaos | |
n.混乱,无秩序 | |
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41 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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42 wrath | |
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